^{page no 143 note 1} Preaching in Medieval England: [An Introduction to the Sermon Manuscripts of the Period c. 1350-1450] (Cambridge 1926); Literature and Pulpit [in Medieval England] (Cambridge 1933, 2 ed Oxford 1961). He added a postscript with the publication of his lecture: The Destructorium Viciorum of Alexander Carpenter, [a Fifteenth-Century Sequel to Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England] (London 1952).

^{page no 143 note 2} Preaching in Medieval England, p 130: ‘When Dr Gairdner wrote his learned study from a ripe acquaintance with almost every kind of document that might be associated with ecclesiastical and public records [note: Except the Registers, I understand, which he confessedly had not studied], it is safe to say that the rich contemporary evidence of great orthodox sermon collections in this country had not lain open before him, nor probably anyone else.’

^{page no 143 note 3} Lollardy and the Reformation in England (London 1908, repr New York n.d.).

^{page no 143 note 4} Foxe, of course, had used the registers as well as other manuscript sources. [The] Acts and Monuments [of John Foxe], ed the Reverend S. R. Cattley, with a preliminary dissertation by the Reverend G. Townsend, 8 vols (London 1837-41), is the edition quoted in this paper.

^{page no 143 note 5} Thomson, J. A. F., The Later Lollards 1414-1520 (Oxford 1965)Google Scholar. See also: Aston, M. E., ‘Lollardy and the Reformation: Survival or Revival?”, History, XLIX (London 1964) pp 149-70Google Scholar; Dickens, A. G., Lollards and Protestants in the Diocese of York 1509-1558 (London 1959)Google Scholar.

^{page no 144 note 1} Surprisingly few latin sermons from late medieval England are available in print. Most notable are: The Sermons of Thomas Brittton, Bishop of Rochester (1373-1389), ed SisterMary Aquinas, Devlin, Camden 3 series, LXXXV-VI (London 1954)Google Scholar. See H. G. Richard son’s comments on the date of composition and authorship of the sermons, some of which he considers to be wrongly attributed to Brinton, : Speculum, XXX (Cambridge, Mass., 1955) pp 267-71Google Scholar. But W.J. Brandt argues for Brinton’s authorship of all the sermons in the original which lies behind the Harleian MS: ‘Remarks on Thomas Brinton’s Authorship of the Sermons in MS. Harley 3760’, Mediaeval Studies, XXI (1959) pp 291-6

^{page no 144 note 2} The MS comprises 216 folios. The first part is numbered 1-134; numbers 33 and 99 are omitted from the foliation; fols 133 v, 134 r-v, are blank (apart from some later writing on fol 134v);fols 111 v-12 v are devoted to hymns. The second part of the MS is numbered 145-228; there are two fols 164 but the next one is correctly numbered 166. Thus 131 folios are written on in part one, 84 in part two, a total of 215.

^{page no 144 note 3} I am told that the inscription can no longer be read even by ultra-violet light. It could well be that Swetstock, whom I have not come across elsewhere, was merely the scribe. Dr R. W. Hunt is of this opinion. I am grateful to him for inspecting the manuscript.

^{page no 144 note 4} Bodleian Library, summary catalogue no 2293. The entry quotes the 1602 MS catalogue (Bodleian Library, MS Rawlinson Q. e. 31, fol 117 v): ‘Jo. Swetstock sermones anglicolat. MS in 4to.’ This (earliest) catalogue is described by Wheeler, G. W., The Earliest Catalogues of the Bodleian Library (Oxford 1928) Ch 1Google Scholar. The Swetstock entry, which must surely refer to the present manuscript was an addition to the original list, being placed under the folio titles for the letter ‘S’ (Libri Theolog: in fol. lit. S.).

^{page no 144 note 5} ‘q[uod] Jo[hannes] S[wetstock] [?]’.

^{page no 144 note 6} Literature and Pulpit, p 84.

^{page no 144 note 7} Fols 35r, 125 r. Though a broader meaning of the term would include secular clerks who were beneficed.

^{page no 145 note 1} That is, discounting one folio for the hymns - Salve festa dies (fols 111 v-12 v).

^{page no 145 note 2} Four of them are added after the hymns. The first group is not rubricated, but the themes of the earlier sermons are taken from the epistles or gospels for the Sundays in Lent. There is some rubrication in the second group, which consists mainly of sermons for saints’ days and other festivals.

^{page no 145 note 3} CfFoxe, , Acts and Monuments, 111, p 397 Google Scholar: ‘whereby we have to understand more clearly both what were the proceedings of the king in the said parliament [of 1413], and also what was the blind affection of monks and priests at that time towards their king and prince, who was then called Princeps sacerdotum, in condemning and destroying the poor Lollards,’ The political aspect is stressed by Aston, M. E., ‘Lollardy and Sedition 1381- 1431’, PP, XVII (1960) pp 1–44 Google Scholar. See also Leff, G., Heresy in the Later Middle Ages (Manchester 1967) 11, pp 586–605 Google Scholar.

^{page no 145 note 4} No 6, fol 35r, ‘ dominus noster [MS ‘nostri’?] rex quem Deus misit nobis in defensionem ecclesie et salvacionem tocius regni’; no 22, fol 112 v, ‘florem tocius milicie militum Dei ligium dominum nostrum qui nunc est qui statuitur supra pinnaculum perfeccionis et virtutis ut apparet per opera’; no 25, fol 130 v, ‘noster graciosus rex nunc cepit super se gubernacula navis’, and fol 132 r, ‘our maistour mariner our’ worthi prince’.

^{page no 145 note 5} For an illustration of the descent of Fortune’s wheel one need go no further, the preacher suggests, than the sad story ‘insignis principia ducis Clarenc. cuius anime propicietur Deus’ (fol 131 r).

^{page no 145 note 6} Handbook of British Chronology, ed Powicke, R. M. and Fryde, E.B. (2 ed London 1961) pp 37, 422 Google Scholar.

^{page no 145 note 7} 2 Corinthians 6:2.

^{page no 146 note 1} The preacher interprets the story of Exodus 17. Aaron is the spirituality (‘prelati, curati et alii viri ecclesiastici’), Hur (Ur) the temporality (‘domini temporales, milites et divites communes’) -the twin supporters of Moses (fol lv). ‘Quam brevis est eorum ad ecclesiam devocio pertranseo, de hoc plus loqui non cupio, demonstrat ad oculum res gesta’ (fol 2r). The same refrain is taken up at a number of points, e.g. fols 55r, 76 v.

^{page no 146 note 2} Matthew 4: 5.

^{page no 146 note 3} Fols 10v-11r.

^{page no 146 note 4} John 6:1; sermon no 9, fols 54r ff.

^{page no 146 note 5} Cf Matthew 10: 21; 24: 7.

^{page no 146 note 6} ‘Sed que est causa istius tocius doloris? Creditis certe serpentinum venenum inferni execrata lollardria que flatur inter nos...pe fidris diviciarum ar blowen a way, potentes rami civitatum separantur, vix aliqua tenet cum alia, ur myti nidus in tantum debilitatur quod modieus ventus Wallie est in puncto to blowid don’ (fol 55r).

^{page no 146 note 7} The preacher is interpreting ‘moraliter’ the exemplum of the eagle who built her nest on a lofty crag. A serpent attempted to destroy the eagle’s young by using the wind to carry poison, but its effect was counteracted by a special stone which the eagle placed in her nest. The story is among the Gesta Romanorum, ed Charles Swan, Broadway Translations (London n.d.) tale xxxvii. It is sometimes wrongly attributed to Pliny, who does, however, mention the precious stone. See C. Plini secundi Naturalis Historiae Libros Indices, ed Otto, Schneider (Hildesheim 1967)Google Scholar under Aquila, Aetites.

^{page no 147 note 1} ‘Moraliter rex et imperator omnium creaturarum omnipotens pater celi’ (fol 54v).

^{page no 147 note 2} ‘pater celi...hath bild in foresta huius mundi calidum nidum et securum, nidum huius regni, Iste nidus non fuit ex lethy bowes nee modicis ramulis, sed ex stif braunchis et fortibus, ex pulcris villis et civitatibus ex fortibus castellis et turribus... ‘ (fol 54v).

^{page no 147 note 3} ‘Et quod nullum nobis infortunium accideret posuit inter nos preciosum lapidem ethitem [aetitem] per quem interpretatur noster salvator Jesus ...’ (fols 54v-55r).

^{page no 147 note 4} ‘Quisquis ergo intime consideret miserias que regna[n]t inter nos iam pro male fide, pe wele et honorem in quo stetimus perantea, potest sane dicere quod tune in nido Anglie erat preciosus lapis et quod nu[n]c ab Anglicis Jesus abiit’ (fol 55r).

^{page no 147 note 5} Fol 14r-v.

^{page no 147 note 6} ‘Primus nuncius quod demon mittit ad genus humanum ad redigendum ipsum in servitutem est lollardria... ’ (fol 16r).

^{page no 147 note 7} Sermon no 6, fols 34r ff. The story of Antiochus Epiphanes and the white-robed horseman comes from 2 Macc. 11.

^{page no 148 note 1} For this expression see Proverbs, [Sentences, and Proverbial Phrases from English Writings mainly before 1500] (Cambridge, Mass./London 1968) ed B. J. Whiting with H.W. Whiting, C353 ‘To cast to (at) the Cock’.

^{page no 148 note 2} Fol 35r. Much of this is repeated in sermon no 24, fol 125 r. Cf Literature and Pulpit, p 84.

^{page no 148 note 3} ‘sed multo peius circa Prage in regno Boemie, ut asseritur. Deus ex sua misericordia illorum convertat corda ad fidem veram vel cito destruat illorum pertinacem et obstinatam maliciam’ (fol 125 r). For a modem assessment of the situation see Šmahel, F., ‘ Doctor evangelicus super omnes evangelistas: Wyclif’s Fortune in Hussite Bohemia’, BIHR, XLIII (1970) pp 16–34 Google Scholar.

^{page no 148 note 4} Sermon no 3, fols 14r ff; nos. 13,24, fols 79 v ff, 124r ff. The story of the tree comes from Daniel 4; that of Moses from Exodus 21.

^{page no 149 note 1} Fol 14r-v. Romans 11: 33-6.

^{page no 149 note 2} An expression which recurs frequently in bishop Brinton’s sermons.

^{page no 149 note 3} ‘Sanctus Moises ascendit in montem sed cunctus expectabant [sic] deorsum ad pedem montis. Pes nostre fidei est tuum credo, hic est fundus nostre credulitatis, hoc est fundamentum tocius Christiane religionis, termini facti ad pedem montis sum 12 articuli fidei quos apostoli plantaverunt in tuo credo per iussionem spiritus sancti’ (fol 80r). The same allegory is used in a later sermon (no 24) fols 125 v-6 v.

^{page no 149 note 4} Sermon no 14, fols 89 v-90 r.

^{page no 150 note 1} Fol 90 v. On the topic of images and the representation of saints see Literature and Pulpit, ch 3 ‘The Heavenly Host’.

^{page no 150 note 2} ‘nullum miraculum ostenditur per eos. Deus nullum operatur pro eis’ (fol 64r). Cf fol 101v: ‘Ideo quicquid dixerint lollardi ne credatis eis sed honorate ymagines in precibus et oblacionibus’.

^{page no 150 note 3} Fol 37 r.

^{page no 150 note 4} ‘faciet inde derisum, nulla bonitas potest eos movere et nee gracia sink in eorum corda, et non miram, quia nolunt admittere gracie media. Precipuum remedium contra peccatum et medium gracie est sacramentum penitencie, ut predixi. Sed Illud vilipendunt est mere illis venenum, odiunt audire de illo’ (fol 37 v).

^{page no 150 note 5} ‘sicut dicunt lollardi, “Quid facerem ad confessionem? Scrift ad nichil servit. Nullus presbiter sub sole habet potestatem me absolvendi.” Qui sic dicis male seis tuum credo’ (fol 100r).

^{page no 150 note 6} ‘Quando veneris respicias super tuum kalendarium crucem, attende penas quas pro te sustinuit, flectamus utrumque genu ante crucem...‘ (fol 101r): ‘Respice tuum kalendarium sanctam crucem ubi videre poteris armatam tui regis’ (fol 86v). CfWilliam, Thorpe’s ‘Examination’, Acts and Monuments, 111, p 266 Google Scholar, where the use of images as ‘ kalenders ‘ is criticised. See also Middle English Dictionary, ed Kurath, H. and Kuhn, S. M. (Ann Arbor 1956- )Google Scholar s.v. Calender.

^{page no 151 note 1} See p 150 nn 1, 2 above.

^{page no 151 note 2} ‘asserentes quod suppremus sanctus in celo satis habet orare pro seipso et in signum quod desiderant illud medium non cupiunt oraciones sanctorum, ut dicitur raserunt omnia sanctorum nomina in latenia extra suos libros... ‘ (fol 37v).

^{page no 151 note 3} ‘Non voco ipsum lollardum qui dat elemosinam privatam ad honorem Dei, quia est actus valde meritorius et multum acceptas Deo, sed iste est lollardus qui dat elemosinam to be holldyn holi and to draw men a fide in suos errores. Elemosina data istomodo non proficit datori, non offertur super aram fidei et sine fide impossibile est placere Deo’ (fol 64 v).

^{page no 151 note 4} ‘pai set not i cirpum per papam et totam eius potestatem’ (fol 35r). The remark is repeated at fol 125 r.

^{page no 151 note 5} Fol 38v.

^{page no 151 note 6} ‘Isti [lollardi] despiciunt sacramenta ecclesie and heltful customes quos apostoli ordinaverunt...Isti ex proprio capite predicant contrarium et inficiunt populum’ (fol 43 v).

^{page no 152 note 1} As the preacher was only too well aware, there was also the literate layman, who like-wise had to exercise restraint. ‘Ideo qui es laicus et licet bene litteratus tene te deorsum ad pedem montis, serva te infra limites fidei’ (fol 98 r).

^{page no 152 note 2} Fol 98r-v.

^{page no 152 note 3} Fol 70 v.

^{page no 152 note 4} Fol 64 v.

^{page no 152 note 5} ‘lira sunt signa sanctitatis, sed non est totum aurum quod splendet’ (fol 16r). Cf Proverbs, G 282.

^{page no 152 note 6} Fol 16 r. On the attribution of ’feigned piety’ to the Lollards, see Preaching in Medieval England, pp 138-40.

^{page no 152 note 7} ‘non tantum demonstret ei his utmast rigour but medie his mercy cum iusticia clamat sibi toto corde et dicit Domine adiuva me sicut I tok to my prechynge’ (fol 21 v). It would doubtless be possible to substantiate the preacher’s pessimistic assessment. At Exeter, for instance, the disturbed state of affairs is demonstrated by a mandate which was not registered in archbishop Chichele’s register but preserved locally: Foreville, R., ‘Manifestations de Lollardisme à Exeter en 1421?’, Le Moyen Age, LXIX (Paris 1963) pp 691–706 Google Scholar. Likewise, in Lincoln diocese, bishop Repingdon was concerned by the spread of Lollardy, which ‘continued to be promulgated in sermons, tracts and conventicles and to attract many supporters among both clergy and laity’: The Register of Bishop Philip Repingdon 1405-1419, ed Archer, M., LRS, LVII (Hereford 1963) pp xxxii–xxxvii Google Scholar (esp p xxxvii).

^{page no 153 note 1} Fol 11 r-inspired by Isaiah 58:1. It was, of course, a ready-made rallying cry for preachers. Cf The Destructorium Viciorum of Alexander Carpenter, p 40.