¹ See the modern edition: Heist, William Watts, The Fifteen Signs before Doomsday (East Lansing, MI, 1952)Google Scholar.

² On the continuation of the Middle Ages into the sixteenth-century New World, see Weckmann, Luis, La Herencia medieval de México (Mexico, 1984)Google Scholar, Engl, transl, by López-Morillas, Frances M., The Medieval Heritage of Mexico (New York, 1992)Google Scholar.

³ See, for example: Phelan, John Leddy, The Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World: a Study of the Writings of Gerónimo de Mendieta (1525–1604) (2nd edn, Berkeley, CA, 1970)Google Scholar; Milhou, Alain, Colón y su mentalidad mesiánica en el ambiente franciscanista español (Valladolid, 1983)Google Scholar; idem, ‘Apocalypticism in Central and South American Colonialism’, in The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, 3 vols (New York, 1998-2000), 3: 3–35 Google Scholar; Bataillon, Marcel, Erasmo y España: estudios sobre la historia espiritual del siglo XVI (2nd edn, Mexico, 1966)Google Scholar; Baudot, Georges, Utopía e Historia en México: los primeros cronistas de la civilización mexicana (1520–69) (Madrid, 1983)Google Scholar; Ulibarrena, Juana Mary Arcelus, ‘La esperanza milenaria de Joaquín de Fiore y el Nuevo Mundo: trayectoria de una utopia’, Florensia 1 (1987), 47–78 Google Scholar; West, Delno, ‘Medieval Ideas of Apocalyptic Mission and the Early Franciscans in Mexico’, The Americas 45 (1989), 293–313 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; the articles in Potestà, Gian Luca, ed., Il profetismo gioachimita tra Quattrocento e Cinquecento: Atti del III Congressso Internazionale di Studi Gioachimiti, San Giovanni in Fiore, 17–21 settembre 1989 (Genova, 1991)Google Scholar; Graziano, Frank, The Millennial New World (Oxford, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lara, Jaime, City, Temple, Stage: Eschatological Architecture and Liturgical Theatrics in New Spain (Notre Dame, IN, 2004)Google Scholar.

⁴ The volcano is located 70 km southeast of the city of Arequipa, Peru. The eruption of Huaynaputina ranked a number 6 on the intensity scale of volcanic eruptions. The maximum, a number 8, has only been recorded for the eruption of Krakatou. Simkin, Tom and Siebert, Lee, Volcanoes of the World: a Regional Directory, Gazetteer, and Chronology of Volcanism during the Last 10,000 Years (2nd edn, Tucson, AZ, 1994), 143.Google Scholar

⁵ Thérèse Bouysse-Cassagne and Philippe Bouysse, ‘Volcan indien, volcan chrétien: à propos de l’eruption du Huaynaputina en l’an 1600 (Pérou Méridional)’, Journal de la Société des Américanistes 70 (1982), 43–68.

⁶ The river of hell-fire is typical of Byzantine and Italian depictions of the Last Judgement; see, for example, Desanka Miloševic, The Last Judgment (Vaduz, 1964), esp. 29–59.

⁷ It was later incorporated into the Historia del Nuevo Mundo of Fray Bernabé Cobo (1653); Martín Murúa, Historia del origen y genealogía real de los reyes inças del Perú (1611); and the travelogue of Fray Diego de Ocaña (MS no. 215 in the Library of the University of Oviedo) in modern transcription as Un viaje fascinante por la América Hispana del siglo XVII [1605] (Madrid, 1969).

⁸ Other volcanoes erupted in the vicinity of Huaynaputina: Urbinas in 1600, 1662, 1677, 1784; Misti in 1677, 1784, 1787; Sabancaya in 1750 and 1784. Popocateptl, in central Mexico (see below), has experienced almost continuous eruptions both large and small throughout recorded history.

⁹ The Last Judgement is located on the interior west wall of both buildings. The river of fire flows from beneath Christ’s throne, off to his left, and down to hell.

¹⁰ The rebel Inca lord, Túpac Amaru, had been publicly executed in 1572. Uprisings continued sporadically until 1590.

¹¹ For the presence or influence of Joachim of Fiore in European art see: Bondatti, Guido, Gioachinismo e francescanesimo nel Dugento (S. Maria degli Angeli, 1924), 147–64 Google Scholar; Rousset, Jean, ‘Il più antico ritratto di Gioacchino da Fiore’, Archivio Storico per la Calabria e la Lucania 3 (1933), 321–4 Google Scholar; Klingender, F. D., ‘St Francis and the Birds of the Apocalypse’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 16 (1952), 13–23 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Prosperi, Franco, La mistica gioachimita prefrancescana nella simbologia delle sculture: la facciata della cattedrale di Assisi (Perugia, 1968)Google Scholar; Reeves, Marjorie, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages: a Study in joachimism (Oxford, 1969; 2nd edn, Notre Dame, IN, 1993), 73, 96–100, 164–5, 230, 266, 460, 479 Google Scholar; Pásztor, Edith, ‘Architettura monastica, sistemazione urbanistica e lavoro del Novus Ordo auspicato da Gioacchino da Fiore’, in I Cistercensi e il Lazio: Atti delle giornate di studio dell’Istituto di storia dell’arte dell’Università di Roma, 17–21 maggio 1977 (Rome, 1978), 149–56 Google Scholar; Bull, Malcolm, ‘The Iconography of the Sistine Chapel Ceiling’, Burlington Magazine 130 (1988), 597–605 Google Scholar; Batazzi, Ferdinando, ‘L’iconografia francescana nel chiostro di Ognissanti di Firenze secondo gli Spirituali e nelle cronache manoscritte’, Vivens homo 2 (1991), 277–84 Google Scholar; Jungic, Josephine, ‘Joachimist Prophecies in Sebastiano del Piombo’s Borgherini Chapel and Raphael’s Transfiguration’, in Reeves, Marjorie, ed., Prophetic Rome in the High Renaissance Period (Oxford, 1992), 321–44 Google Scholar; Gioacchino Abate di Fiore, ed. Bitonti, Mariolona (San Giovanni in Fiore, 1998), 9–14 and 47–76.Google Scholar

¹² Lerner, Robert, ‘Joachim of Fiore’s Vision of Irenic Conversion’, unpublished lecture delivered at Columbia University, 26 October 1996 Google Scholar, wherein he speculated on a Jewish origin for Joachim, based on new evidence.

¹³ Mount Etna had erupted in 1163 accompanied by an earthquake and tsunami. This event was incorporated into the apocalyptic prophecy known as the Vaticinium Sibillae Erithraeae; see McGinn, Bernard, Visions of the End: Apocalyptic Traditions in the Middle Ages (New York, 1979; 2nd edn, 1998), 122–5.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Corazzo was first a Benedictine and then a Cistercian monastery during Joachim’s lifetime; hence, the different colour habits worn by Joachim in works of art.

¹⁵ McGinn, Visions of the End, 126. For the text and interpretation of the Sibylline oracles, see McGinn, Bernard, ‘Joachim and the Sybil’, Cîteaux 24 (1973), 97–138 Google Scholar. According to McGinn, the 1180s were a time of great upheaval in Europe and many people turned to signs, stars, and Sibyls.

¹⁶ Richard the Lionheart had just come from concluding the peace treaty of 1192 with the caliph Saladin after the defeat of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem by the Muslims. For the political significance of these encounters, see Reeves, Influence of Prophecy, 3–15.

¹⁷ The order that he founded experienced such an expansion in the following decade that it was hailed by the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 as one of the four pillars of the Church. Innocent III had opened the Council with a homily, based on Ez. 9, 4, in which the signing with the Tau became a symbol for spiritual renewal in the church. Francis of Assisi, thought to have been present at this event (and whose personal signature was the Tau symbol), became the figure of renewal who carried out Innocent’s programme both literally and spiritually. See below.

¹⁸ Wessley, Stephen, ‘The Role of the Holy Land for the Early Followers of Joachim of Fiore’, in Swanson, R. N., ed., The Holy Land, Holy Lands, and Christian History, SCH 36 (Woodbridge, 2000), 181–91.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Reeves, Marjorie and Hirsch-Reich, Beatrice, The Figurae of Joachim of Fiore (Oxford, 1972), 6.Google Scholar

²⁰ Mottu, Henri, La Manifestation de l’Esprit selon Joachim de Fiore: herméneutique et théologie de l’histoire d’après le Traité sur les quatre évangiles (Neuchâtel, 1977), 101–13.Google Scholar

²¹ McGinn, Bernard, ‘Influence and Importance in Evaluating Joachim of Fiore’, in Il profetismo gioachimita tra Quattrocento e Cinquento, 15–36 Google Scholar; 18: ‘If there is one thing that modern research on Joachim’s view of history has shown us, it is that his views on historical periodization are highly complex, a combination of binary, ternary and multiple patterns involving elements of finality, progression and recurrence…. The notion of concordia involves not just a synoptic attempt to harmonize texts, or to compare a parallel series of events from the Old and New Testaments, but also the working out of the structural conformity or correlation of the two Testaments necessary to understand a coming third stage of history’.

²² Joachim divides the three periods differently in different contexts according to the image that he is developing at the moment. In general, they conform to (1) Old Testament, (2) New Testament, (3) The Age of the Holy Spirit, an approaching moment in the thirteenth century, c.1260, according to his calculations. See Reeves and Hirsch-Reich, Figurae, 248–55.

²³ McGinn, Bernard, Apocalyptic Spirituality (New York, 1979), 102–3 Google Scholar; Thompson, Augustine, ‘A Reinterpretation of Joachim of Fiore’s Dispositio Novi Ordinis from the Liber Figurarum ’, Cîteaux 33 (1982), 194–205 Google Scholar; West, Delno C. and Zimdars-Swartz, Sandra, Joachim of Fiore: a Study in Spiritual Perception and History (Bloomington, IN, 1983), 93.Google Scholar

²⁴ See McGinn, Bernard, ‘Symbolism in the Thought of Joachim of Fiore’, in Williams, Ann, ed., Prophecy and Millenarianism: Essays in Honour of Marjorie Reeves (Harlow, 1980), 143–64 Google Scholar. Joachim’s many drawings and analyses using flora can be seen as vitalistic renewal in the general sense: see Ladner, Gerhard, ‘Vegetation Symbolism and the Concept of the Renaissance’, in Meiss, Millard, ed., De artibus opuscula XL: Essays in Honor of Erwin Panofsky (New York, 1961), 303–22.Google Scholar

²⁵ Expositio in Apocalypsim, fols 175v-176r, on Rev. 14, 15–16. Additionally, Joachim associates these two individuals with the two witnesses of Rev. 11, 1–14. See Herbert Grundmann, Neue Forschungen über Joachim von Fiore (Marburg, 1950), 106–7.

²⁶ The Augustinian Observants also saw themselves as the spiritual sons of Joachim. See Reeves, Marjorie, ‘Joachimist Expectations in the Order of Augustinian Hermits’, Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 25 (1958), 111–41.Google Scholar

²⁷ For the Sibylline Oracles, see McGinn, Joachim and the Sibyl’, 98–100. For Joachim and Merlin, see Lubac, De, La posteridad espiritual de Joaquin de Fiore, 2 vols (Madrid, 1988), 1: 15 and 78 Google Scholar [first published as La postérité spirituelle de Joachim de Fiore (Paris, 1981)]. For the reappearance in the late fifteenth century of prophecies related to Merlin, the Grail legend and the Grail castle, see Baladro del sabio Merlín (Burgos, Juan de Burgos, 1498): Guía de lectura, ed. Paloma Gracia (Madrid, 1998). The Grail was supposedly a possession of Charlemagne, and the Grail legend later passed into the mythology surrounding the Hapsburg dynasty, especially Charles V of Spain. See Tanner, Marie, The Last Descendant of Aeneas: the Hapsburgs and the Mythic Image of the Emperor (New Haven, CT, 1993), 207–14 Google Scholar. For a possible Joachimite origin of the Grail legend, see Reeves, Influence of Prophecy, 71–95.

²⁸ Bihel, Stephanus, ‘S. Franciscus fuitne angelus sexti sigilli?’, Antonianum 2 (1927), 59–90 Google Scholar; Campagnola, Stanislao da, L’Angelo del sesto sigillo e l’alter Christus:genesi e sviluppo di due temi francescani nei ss. XIII-XIV (Rome, 1971), 7–48 Google Scholar; Fleming, John, From Bonaventure to Bellini: an Essay in Franciscan Exegesis (Princeton, NJ, 1982), 129–57 Google Scholar. On Francis as the initiator of the third state, see Manselli, Raoul, La ‘Lectura super Apocalypsim’ di Pietro di Giovanni Olivi: ricerche sull’escatologismo medievale (Rome, 1955), 211 Google Scholar, n. 1; and Campagnola, Stanislao da, ‘Dai viri spirituales di Gioacchino da Fiore ai fratres spirituales di S. Francesco d’Assisi’, Picenum Seraphicum 11 (1974), 24–52 Google Scholar.

²⁹ Bonaventure, , Legenda maior S. Francisci Assisiensis et eiusdem Legenda Minor (1263), ed. Bonaventurae, Collegii S. (Florence, 1941)Google Scholar, col. 13, Prologue: ‘And so not without reason is he considered to be symbolized by the angel who ascends from the sunrise bearing the seal of the living God, in the true prophecy of that other friend of the Bridegroom, John the apostle and evangelist. For “when the sixth seal was opened”, John says in the Apocalypse, “I saw another Angel, ascending from the rising of the sun, having the seal of the living God”.’ The orthodox equation was also made in the papal bull of Leo X, Ite vos in vineam meam (1517), for the official recognition of the Observant Reform and the effective suppression of the Conventual Franciscans. See Fonzo, P. Di, ‘La famosa bolla di Leone X Ite vos non Ite et vos ’, Miscellanea Francescana 44 (1944), 164–71 Google Scholar; and Lubac, De, La posteridad, 1: 164 Google Scholar. See also Fleming, , From Bonaventure to Bellini, 18.Google Scholar

³⁰ The schema of world history, first explained in the Book of Concordance, was later summarized and included in the printed version of his commentary on the Apocalypse (1527). I used the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional de México. It is also found in a compilation of his thought – with tracts on the Sibylline Oracles, Antichrist, and the temporal status of the Church – published as Abbas Joachim magnus propheta. Hec subiecta in hoc continentur libello. Espositio magni prophete Ioachim: in librum beati Cirilli de magnis tribulationibus & statu Sanctae matris ecclesie: ab hiis nostris temporibus vsque ad finem seculi vna con compilatio ex diversis prophetis Noui ac Veteris Testamenti… Item explanatio figurate & pulchra in Apochalypsim de residuo statu Ecclesie… Item Tractus de Antichristo… Item Tractus septem statibus Ecclesie (Venice, 1516; repr. by Bernardinum Benalium, 1520).

³¹ The text is known as the Floreto de Sant Francisco (not to be confused with the more familiar Little Flowers). See Floreto de Sant Francisco, Sevilla 1492, ed. Ulibarrena, Juana Mary Acelus (Madrid, 1998), 149–58.Google Scholar

³² The only known cloister painting in Europe containing Joachim’s portrait is that of the convent of Ognissanti, Florence. Interestingly enough, it was painted in 1601, one year after the eruption of Huaynaputina. See Bondatti, Gioachinismo e francescanesimo, 163–4; Batazzi, ‘L’iconografìa francescana’, 278–80.

³³ In spite of the opposition of the Inquisition, Peter John Olivi’s Joachimist ideas circulated in Europe, especially Spain. See Manselli, La ‘Lectura super Apocalypsim’, 211; idem, ‘La resurrezione di san Francesco dalla teologia di Pietro de Giovanni Olivi ad una testimonianza di pietà popolare’, Collectanea Francescana 46 (1976), 309–20; idem, ‘L’Apocalisse e l’interpretazione francescana della storia’, in W. Lourdaux and D. Verhelst, eds, The Bible and Medieval Culture (Louvain, 1979), 157–70.

³⁴ Olivi, Peter John, Expositio super regulam fratrum minorum: Peter Olivi’s Rule Commentary, ed. Flood, David (Wiesbaden, 1972)Google Scholar, fols 123v-124r.

³⁵ See West, , ‘Medieval Ideas of Apocalyptic Mission’, 297 Google Scholar.

³⁶ See Saranyana, Josep I. and Zaballa, Ana de, Joaquín de Fiore y América (2nd edn, Pamplona, 1995), 143 Google Scholar; and Saranyana’s subsequent objection to my thesis, ‘Joaquín de Fiore y el joaquinismo’, in Ana de Zaballa Beascoechea et al., eds, Utopía, mesianismo y milenarismo: experiencias latinoamericanas (Lima, 2002), 57–71. Not only does Saranyana deny the presence of Peter John Olivi in these paintings, he further denies the presence of Joachim of Fiore in any of them, or the influence of Joachim’s theology of history in colonial Latin America.

³⁷ See Bondatti, Gioachinismo e francescanesimo, 147–57. On the Joachimite theme of the viri spirituales, see da Campagnola, ‘Dai viri spirituales’, 24–52.

³⁸ Hector, H. Schenone, Iconografia del arte colonial: los santos, 2 vols (Buenos Aires, 1992), 1: 330–9.Google Scholar

³⁹ Printed editions: Milan 1510, 1513. I consulted the 1513 edition. Two later editions from Bologna 1590 and 1620 are defective and appear to display deliberate omissions and tampering. The De conformitate has been reprinted with notes and commentary in Analecta Francescana 4–5 (1906 and 1912).

⁴⁰ This legend corresponds to the version as told by St Antoninus of Florence. See Divi Antonini archiepiscopi Florentini Chronicorum opus (Lyons, 1586), part III, 559.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Schenone, Iconografia, 337. See note 14 above.

⁴² On Francis of Assisi as the sixth angel of the Apocalypse, see Bihel, ‘S. Franciscus fuitne’; da Campagnola, L’angelo del sesto sigillo. Unfortunately, the authors do not treat the Counter-Reformation era.

⁴³ Guarda, Gabriel et al, Barroco hispanoamericano en Chile: Vida de San Francisco de Asís (Santiago de Chile, 2002), 30–1 Google Scholar; and Schenone, Iconografia, 334–5.

⁴⁴ Elisa Vargas Lugo and Marco Días, ‘Historia, leyenda y tradición en una serie franciscana’, Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México 44 (1975), 59–82. I have made some preliminary investigation of a series on the life of St Francis in San Martín Texmelucan, Puebla (also near the Mexican volcano), that leads me to believe there was another identical painting.

⁴⁵ In the Mexican state of Puebla. The painting was stolen in 2000 when its iconographic value was discovered. Lamentably, it is now lost.

⁴⁶ The beast is identified with Mohammed in the De conformitate (Milan, 1513), fol. 12r.

⁴⁷ The possible visual reference to ‘sackcloth’ might hint at the ordo saccis vestitus mentioned by Joachim of Fiore. See Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy, 168 and 182.

⁴⁸ See ‘De conformitate’, Analecta Francescana 4 (1906), 77.

⁴⁹ Vargas Lugo and Díaz, ‘Historia, leyenda y tradición’, 66. There was a third and earlier series in the convent of San Francisco, Mexico City. A later series in Zacatecas may have had a similar scene, as also the series at the Franciscan church of Antigua, Guatemala, a city destroyed in an earthquake. See Muñoz, Luis Lujan, ‘Nueva información sobre la pintura de Cristóbal de Villalpando en Guatemala’, Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas 57 (1986), 113–37 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Juana Gutiérrez Haces et al, Cristóbal de Villalpando (ca. 1649–1714): catálogo razonado (Mexico City, 1997), 261–3, 385–7.

⁵⁰ According to Mgr Bernardino Rivera, OFM, auxiliary bishop and historian of Potosí, there were originally thirty-six paintings of the life of St Francis in the cloister by the painter Francisco Navarro. Many were lost in 1880 when cloister walls and ceilings were replaced. The ‘Nacimiento’ was cut down to make room for the installation of a new stairway.

⁵¹ Saint Bonaventure Legenda Maior, prologue. For the Chilean iconography, see Guarda, Barroco hispanoamericano, 34–5.

⁵² Lerner, ‘Joachim of Fiore’s Vision of Irenic Conversion’, and Guarda, Barroco hispanoamericano, 36–9.

⁵³ See Saranyana and Zaballa, Joaquín de Fiore y América, 143.

⁵⁴ Cf. Saranyana, Joaquín de Fiore y el joaquinismo’, 67. To say, as Saranyana does, that Joachim’s thought was never known in America because his authentic works circulated together with Joachimite texts is just as ludicrous as to say that Thomas Aquinas’s ideas were unknown to eighteenth- and nineteenth-century scholars because they came through secondary sources and commentaries.

⁵⁵ Urbano, Henrique-Osvaldo, ‘Del sexo, incesto y los ancestros de Inkarrí: mito, utopía e historia en las sociedades andinas’, Allpanchis 17–18 (1981), 77–103 Google Scholar; Fuenzalida, Fernando, ‘El mundo de los gentiles y las tres eras de la creación’, Revista de la Universidad Católica, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, ns 2 (1977), 59–84 Google Scholar; Harris, Olivia, ‘De la fin du monde: notes depuis le nord-Potosí’, Cahiers des Ameriques Latines n.s. 6 (1987), 93–118 Google Scholar; M, Manuel. Marzal et al., The Indian Face of God in Latin America (Maryknoll, NY, 1996), 86.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Osvaldo-Urbano, Henrique, ‘ Dios Yaya, Dios Churi y Dios Espíritu: modelos trinitarios y arqueología mental en los Andes’, Journal of Latin American Lore 6 (1980), 111–27 Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ See Lara, Jaime, ‘The Sacramented Sun: Solar Eucharistic Worship in Colonial Latin America’, in Casarella, Peter and Gómez, Raúl, eds, El Cuerpo de Cristo: the Hispanic Presence in the U.S. Catholic Church (New York, 1998), 261–91.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ See Lara, City, Temple, Stage, 41–69.

⁵⁹ Cassagne, Thérèse Bouysse, La identidad Aymara: aproximación histórica (siglo XV, siglo XVI) (La Paz, 1987), 174–95 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Burga, Manuel and Galindo, Alberto Flores, ‘La utopía andina’, Allpanchis 17–20 (1982), 85–102 Google Scholar; MacCormack, Sabine, ‘ Pachacuti: Miracles, Punishments and Last Judgment: Visionary Past and Prophetic Future in Early Colonial Peru’, American Historical Review 93–4 (1988), 960–1006 Google Scholar; eadem, Religion in the Andes: Vision and Imagination in Early Colonial Peru (Princeton, NJ, 1991), 281–331 Google Scholar; and Milhou, , ‘Apocalypticism’, 27–30 Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ In another version, a judgement by water or deluge had occurred at the end of the first age. See Fuenzalida, , ‘El mundo de los gentiles’, 63–4.Google Scholar

⁶¹ MacCormack, , ‘Pachacuti’, 980–1.Google Scholar

⁶² The autograph manuscript of Guaman Poma, housed in the Royal Library of Denmark, Copenhagen (GkS 2232 4to) consists of nearly 1200 pages, including 398 full-page drawings.

⁶³ See the author’s manuscript illustration at http://www.kb.dk/elib/mss/poma/index-en.htm at fol. 1061 [consulted 6 December 2004]. See also, Ayala, Guaman Poma de, Nueva coránica y buen gobierno, ed. Murra, J., Adorno, Rolena and Urioste, Jorge L. (Madrid, 1987)Google Scholar; Adorna, Rolena, Guaman Poma: Writing and Resistance in Colonial Peru (2nd edn, Austin, TX, 2000)Google Scholar; Szeminski, Jan, ‘From Inca Gods to Spanish Saints and Demons’, in Kaplan, Steven, ed., Indigenous Responses to Western Christianity (New York, 1995), 56–74.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Ossio, Juan, ‘Las cinco edades del mundo según Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala’, Revista de la Universidad Católica ns 2 (1977), 43–58.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ See http://www.kb.dk/elib/mss/poma/index-en.htm, fol. 28 (consulted 6 December 2004).

⁶⁶ Joachim of Fiore, Psalterium decem chordarum (Venice, 1527). The Psalterium was earlier known through the mendicant publication Abbas Joachim magnus propheta: see above, n. 30. Also see MacCormack, ‘Pachacuti’, n. 59.

⁶⁷ The association of holy hermits to Joachim of Fiore’s third age of the Holy Spirit was explicitly made by Pedro de Quiroga, canon of the cathedral of Cuzco, Peru. Joachim is frequently mentioned in relation to the holy hermit, Cyril of Mt Carmel (of the Sibylline Oracles), and with Enoch and Elijah in the De conformiate (Milan, 1513), fol. 12r. See MacCormack, ‘Pachacuti’, 975, who believes that Guaman knew of Joachim’s works through his close working relationship with the Jesuits. Even if he never mentions Joachim of Fiore by name, his contemporaries in Peru certainly did. The Jesuit, José de Acosta, and the Augustinian friar, Antonio de la Calancha, both cite Joachim’s Treatise on the Apocalypse and other writings.

⁶⁸ On Andean angels, see Teresa Gisbert, Iconografia y mitos indígenas en el arte (La Paz, 1980, repr. 1994), 86–8. A flying St Vincent Ferrer – who had declared himself to be the angel of the Apocalypse – also appears in Latin American colonial art. By coincidence, a bust of a flying Vincent Ferrer is found in Cosenza, Italy, in the church which marks the site of Joachim’s birthplace.

⁶⁹ The role of St Francis as a new Michael the Archangel, who has been given the empty throne of Lucifer in heaven, is expounded in the De conformitate. See Analecta Francescana 4 (1906), 53; also Fleming, John V., An Introduction to the Franciscan Literature of the Middle Ages (Chicago, IL, 1977), 47 Google Scholar. Due to publication restrictions, I was unable to include the images of these paintings in this study.

⁷⁰ Alber’s satire was popular well into the eighteenth century through the French translation, L’Alcoran des Cordeliers (1556), extant in several colonial Latin American libraries. The English edition, The Alcoran of the Franciscans, or a sink of lies and blasphemies, collected out of a blasphemous book belonging to that Order called ‘The Book of the Conformities’ (London, 1679), was an early textbook at Yale University.

⁷¹ Naturae Prodigium gratiae Portentum hoc est Seraphici P.N. Francisci vitae acta ad Christi D.N. Vita & mortem regulata, & coaptata… (Madrid, 1651). Fray Pedro, Minorite, later worked in Rome on the cause of the sainthood of Francisco Solano, the only other Franciscan saint who occasionally flies in Latin American art. See Scriptores Ordinis Minorum, ed. Wadding, Luke (Rome, 1650; repr. Bologna, 1978), 184, 187, 275.Google Scholar

⁷² See Askew, Pamela, ‘The Angelic Consolation of St Francis of Assisi in Post-Tridentine Italian Painting’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institute 32 (1969), 280–305 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Lexikon der Christlichen Ikonografie, 8 vols (Rome, 1968–76), 6: 311–12 and fig. 16.

⁷³ In his objection to the presence of Joachim in these paintings and to a significant influence of the abbot’s thought in Latin America, Prof. Saranyana seems to be unaware of these sources. See notes 36 and 54 above. The Latin text of the Naturae Prodigium (p. 19)reads: ‘In Nativitate Francisci multi laetati, & gauissi sunt, videlicet Mater, parentes, & cognati pueri, atque vicini, & amici, ac tota paterna domus; & tres illi, Ioachimus Abbas, Enoch Patriarcha, & Helias Propheta, audientes eius nativitatem gauissi sunt gaudio magno’. I have made use of the copy extant in the Biblioteca Nacional de México, Mexico City (No. 922, 245 FRA. a).

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⁷⁵ See Graziano, , Millennial New World, 89–131 Google Scholar and passim.

⁷⁶ In their teaching addressed to the Indians, most missionaries during the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, far from hastening the age of the Holy Spirit, sought to support the colonial order of society. See MacCormack, Sabine, ‘The Heart Has its Reasons: Predicaments of Missionary Christianity in Early Colonial Peru’, Hispanic American Historical Review 67 (1985), 443–66.Google Scholar