Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-rcrh6 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-24T23:36:30.619Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Varieties of Monastic Discipline in Southern Italy During the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

G. A. Loud*
Affiliation:
University of Leeds

Extract

The conquest of southern Italy by the Normans during the eleventh century incorporated what had hitherto been a peripheral region more fully within the mainstream of Western Europe. However, notwithstanding this, in a number of respects the development of the Church in Norman Italy followed its own idiosyncratic pattern, rather different from the trends that prevailed in other parts of contemporary Latin Christendom. This distinctive evolution can be clearly observed in south Italian monasticism during the eleventh and twelfth centuries.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 2007

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Thus, for example, Picasso, G., ‘Il monaco’, in Musca, G., ed., Condizione umana e ruoli sociali nel Mezzogiorno normannosvevo Google Scholar, Atti delle none giornate normanno-sveve, 1989 (Bari, 1991), 279–92, at 284: ‘In generale si ha l’impressione che nel Regno dei Normanni domini l’esempio cassinese della fedaltà alla Regola di san Benedetto’.

2 For the Cassinese monastic empire, see Dormeier, H., Montecassino una die Laien im 11. und 12. Jakrhundert (Stuttgart, 1979), 24106 Google Scholar; Bloch, H., Montecassino in the Middle Ages, 3 vols (Rome, 1986), 1: 167464 Google Scholar. For the development of the other abbeys, see respectively Loud, G. A., ‘A Lombard Abbey in a Norman World: St. Sophia, Benevento 1050–1200’, Anglo-Norman Studies 19, Proceedings of the Battle Conference 1996 (Woodbridge, 1997), 273306 Google Scholar; idem, The Abbey of Cava, its Property and Benefactors in the Norman Era’, Anglo-Norman Studia 9, Proceedings of the Battle Conference 1986 (Woodbridge, 1987), 143–77, at 155 for the 1169 bull listing its dependencies; H. Houben, Die Abtei Venosa und das Mönchtum im normannisch-staufischen Süditalien (Tübingen, 1995). In the absence of any substantial overall study of south Italian monasticism in the Central Middle Ages, the best introduction is by Houben, ibid., 11–107.

3 Vitolo, G., ‘Les monastères grecs de l’Italie méridionale’, in Lemaitre, J.-L., Dmitriev, M., and Gonneau, P., eds, Moines et Monastères dans les Sociétés de Rite Grec et Latin (Geneva, 1996), 99113 Google Scholar, esp. 106–7.

4 Guillou, A., ‘La Lucanie Byzantine: Étude de géographie historique’, Byzantion 35 (1965), 11949 Google Scholar.

5 For a general survey, Borsari, S., Il Monachesimo bizantino nella Sicilia e nell’Italia meridionale prenormanne (Naples, 1963), 6076 Google Scholar; and for Nilos, ibid., 56–60, and Sansterre, J.-M., ‘Saint Nil de Rossano et le monachisme Latin’, Bolletino della badia greca di Grottaferrata 45 (1991), 33986 Google Scholar.

6 Gattula, E., Historia Abbatiae Casinensis (Venice, 1733), 2934.Google Scholar

7 In May 1065 the abbot was Arsenius, and in February-March 1067 Saba, both de genere Graecorum, Abbazia di Montecassino: Regesto dell’Archivio, ed. T. Leccisotti and F. Avagliano, 11 vols (Rome, 1964–77), 8: 181–3, nos 11–12, 14. It was given to Montecassino in February 1075, Gattula, Historia, 267. See also Nicosia, A., ‘La Valle della Quesa e il monastero greco di S. Pietro’, Benedictina 24(1977), 11538.Google Scholar

8 Le Pergamene di S. Nicola di Gallucanta (secc. ix-xii), ed. P. Cherubini (Altavilla Silentina, 1990), 264–5, no. 104; 286–7, no. 114. Theophylact was last attested in 1100, ibid., 308–9, no. 125. Vitolo, G., ‘La Latinizzazione dei monasteri italo-greci del Mezzogiorno medievale: l’esempio di S. Nicola di Gallocanta pressa Salerno’, Benedictina 29 (1982), 43760 Google Scholar [reprinted in Leone, S. and Vitolo, G., eds, Minima Cavensia: Studi in margine al Di Volume del Codex Diplomaticus Cavensis (Salerno, 1983), 7592]Google Scholar.

9 Codice diplomatico del monastero benedettino di S. Maria di Tremiti 1005–1237, ed A. Petrucci, Fonti per la storia d’Italia, 3 vols (Rome, 1960) [hereafter: Cod. Dipl. Tremiti], 2: 165–7, no. 53.

10 Ibid., 269–77, no. 95. The donor was Ioannocarus son of Balsamus (Balsamon); the latter being also the name of his son.

11 Matteig-Cerasoli, L., ‘La Badia di Cava e i monasteri greci di Calabria superiore’, Archivio storico per la Calabria e la Lucania 8 (1938), 2756, no. 1 Google Scholar; Robinson, G., ‘The History and Cartulary of the Greek Monastery of St. Elias and St. Anastasius of Carbone’, Orientalia Christiana 15 (1929), 119276 Google Scholar, at 200–6, nos 14–15. For the Chiaromonte family, who may have originated from Germont-de-l’Oise in the Beauvaisis, L.-R. Ménager, ‘Inventaire des familles normands et franques emigrées en Italie méridionales et en Sicile (XIe-XIIe siècles), in Roberto il Guiscardo e il suo tempo, Relazioni e comunicazioni nelle prime giornate normanno-sveve Bari, maggio 1973 (Rome, 1975), 275–84.

12 Thus Hugh of Chiaromonte (probably the grandson of the original donor) and his brothers made a donation in a Greek charter in 1112, in which the prior was named as William, but donors could also include a Greek judge, in 1113: Trinchera, F., Syllabus Graecarum Membranarum (Naples, 1865), 968 Google Scholar, nos 74–5. The prior of Kyrozosimi still issued a Greek charter as late as 1200, ibid., 339–40, no. 250.

13 Houben, Die Abtei Venosa, 193.

14 For example, Leyser, H., Hermits and the New Monasticism: a Study of Religious Communitiess in Western Europe (London, 1984), 245 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dunn, M., ‘Eastern Influence on Western Monasticism in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries’, in Howard-Johnston, J. D. ed., Byzantium and the West: Proceedings of the XVIII Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies 1984 (Amsterdam 1988), 24559.Google Scholar

15 Chronica Monasterii Casinensis, ed. H. Hoffmann, MGH SS 34 (Hannover, 1980) [hereafter: Chron. Cos.], lib. II c. 17, 201. Sansterre, ‘Saint Nil’, 372–3.

16 For a previous, and cautionary, discussion, Loud, G. A., ‘Montecassino and Byzantium in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries’, in Mullet, M. and Kirby, A., eds, The Theotokos Evergetis and Eleventh-Century Monasticism (Belfast 1994), 3058 Google Scholar, esp. 50–1 [reprinted in G. A. Loud, Montecassino and Benevento: Essays in South Italian Church History (Aldershot, 2000), no. II].

17 Codicum Casinensium Manuscriptorum Catalogus, ed. M. Inguanez, 3 vols (Montecassino, 1915–41), 3:63-8.

18 Chron. Cas. II. 30, 221–3

19 Cod. Dipl. Tremiti, 2: 211–13, no. 69, at 213.

20 Ruggiero, B., Principi, nobiltà e Chiesa nell’Mezzogiomo longobardo: l’esempio di S. Massimo di Salerno (Naples, 1973), esp. 97–106, 12146.Google Scholar

21 Volpini, R., ‘Diplomi sconosciuti dei principi longobardi di Salerno e dei re normanni di Sicilia’, in Contributi dell’Istituto di Storia medievale, 1: Raccolta di studi in memoria di Giovanni Soranzoy (Milan, 1968), 5036, no. 2, 51217 Google Scholar, no. 6.

22 Thus the nunnery of St George at Salerno was in existence by 993, and that of SS. Michael and Stephen by 1054, Galante, M., ed., Nuove Pergamene del monastero femminile di S. Giorgio di Salerno, 1 : (993–1256) (Altavilla Silentina, 1984), 12 Google Scholar, no. 1; 12–15, no. 5. For non-enclosed ‘nuns’, G. Vitolo, ‘Prima appunti per una storia dei penitenti nel Salernitano’, Archivio storico per le provinde napoletane, ser. 3, 17 (1978), 393–405, esp. 394–5. For the will of a nun, monacha domi degens, in September 1122, Cava, Archivo della badia di S. Trinità, Arca xxi.76.

23 For example, Codex Diplomatics Cavensis, ed. M. Morcaldi et al, 8 vols (Milan-Naples, 1873–93), 7: 33–4. no. 1077 (1047).

24 Engelbert, P., ‘Regeltext und Romverehrung: zur Frage der Verbreitung der Regula Benedicti im Frühmittelalter’, in Avagliano, F., ed, Montecassino dalla prima alla seconda distruzione: momenti e aspetti di storia cassinese (secc. VI-IX), Miscellenea Cassinese 55 (Montecassino, 1987), 13362 Google Scholar, esp. 153–6.

25 Le Pergamene di Conversano i (901–1263), ed. Coniglio, G., Codice diplomatico pugliese 20 (Bari, 1975), 1224, no. 53 Google Scholar. This house was founded shortly before 957.

26 A church given to it in 1040 was to be ruled secundum regulam Sancti Benedicti, Cod. Dipl. Tremiti 2: 89, no. 28, and the rule was expressly mentioned in Leo IX’s confirmation of the abbey’s property in 1053, ibid, 2: 156–8, no. 49.

27 Lentini, A., ‘La Vita S. Dominici di Alberico Cassinese’, Benedictina 5 (1951), 5777, at 76Google Scholar.

28 Borsari, Monachesimo bizantino, 49, and above n. 11.

29 Chron. Cos. II. 20, 203–4. More generally, Sansterre, J.-M., ‘Recherches sur les ermites de Mont-Cassin et l’eremetisme dans l’hagiographie cassinienne’, Hagiographica 2 (1995), 5792.Google Scholar

30 Die Brief e des Petrus Damiani, ed. Reindel, K., MGH Die Briefe der Deutschen Kaiserzeit 4, 4 vols (Munich, 1983–90), 2: 1845, no. 57.Google Scholar

31 ‘Dissertano de antiquitate, ditione, viribus varieque fortuna abbatiae S. Salvatoris ad Montem Magellae’, in Collectio Bullarum SS. Basilicae Vaticanae, 3 vols (Rome, 1747–52), 1: vi.

32 Vitae Quatuor Priorum Abbatum Cavensium, ed. L. Mattei-Cerasoli, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, ns: vol. 6, pt 5.1 (Bologna, 1941) [hereafter: VQPA], 7 (twelve monks only), 8 (Alferius retires to his cell to die), 12 (Leo’s cell). The Rule of St Benedict was, however, observed at the subordinate monastery of St Nicholas de Palma, that Leo founded, S. Leone and G. Vitolo, eds, Codex Diplomatics Cavensis, ix (Cava, 1984), 328–32, no. 103 (1071), and presumably therefore by the mother house as well by this date, and perhaps before St Nich olas was founded in 1062. Cava itself was founded between 1016 and 1025, S. Leone, ‘La Data di fondazione della badia di Cava’, Benedictina 22 (1975), 335–46 [reprinted in Leone and Vitolo, Minima Cauensia, 45–59].

33 For example, the foundation charters of the monastery of St Andrew of Brindisi in 1059: Faciatis exinde secundum testum regule Sancti Benedicti docet, Codice Diplomatico Brindisiano i (492–1290), ed. G. M. Monti (Trani, 1940), 7–9, no. 4; Holy Trinity, Mileto, in 1080, L.-R. Ménager, ‘L’Abbaye bénédictine de la Trinité de Mileto en Calabre à l’époque normande’, Bullettino del archivio paleografico italiano, ns 4–5 (1958/9), 41–3, no. 13; and in a donation by the founder to the nunnery of St John the Evangelist at Lecce in 1133, Pastore, M., ed., Le Pergamene di San Giovanni Evangelista in Lecce, (Lecce, 1970), 13, no. 1.Google Scholar

34 Howe, J., Church Reform and Social Change in Eleventh-Century Italy: Dominic of Sora and his Patrons (Philadephia, PA, 1997), 12348.Google Scholar

35 Gattula, E., Accessiones ad Historiam Abbatiae Casinensis (Venice, 1734), 71314 Google Scholar. Le Colonie Cassinesi in Capitanata ii: Gargano, ed. T. Leccisotti, Miscellanea Cassinese 15 (1938), 42–3, no. 6.

36 Recueil des Actes des ducs normands d’Italie (1046–1127), i : Les Premiers Ducs (1046–1087), ed. L.-R. Ménager (Bari, 1981), 101–4, no.31.

37 Petri Diaconi: Ortus et Vita Iustorum Cenobii Casinensis, ed. R. H. Rodgers (Berkeley, CA, 1972), 75. Regesto della antica badia di S. Matteo de Castello o Servorum Dei, ed. M. Inguanez (Montecassino, 1914), 2–5, nos 2–3. Sansterre, ‘Recherches sur les ermites du Mont-Cassin’, 68.

38 Vita, ce. 12–13, ActaSS Iun. 7 (Paris, 1867), 101–2. The Life has also been edited by G. Mongelli, ‘Legenda de Vita et Obitu S. Guilielmi Confessons et Heremite’, Samnium 24 (1961), 144–72; 25 (1962). 48–73.

39 Ibid., c. 16, at 103.

40 Codice diplomatico verginiano, ed. P. M. Tropeano, 13 vols (Montevergine, 1977–2000), 2: 199–203, no. 148.

41 Vita c. 24; ActaSS Iun. 7, 105–6.

42 Codice diplomatico verginiano, 2: 382–4, no. 191. Houben, Die Abtei Venosa, 70–1. Vitolo, G., ‘Vecchio e nuovo monachesimo nel regno svevo di Sicilia’, in Esch, A. and Kamp, N., eds, Friedrich II: Tagung des Deutschen Historischen Institut in Rom im Gedenkjahr 1994 (Tubingen, 1996), 182200, at 190Google Scholar.

43 Vita Iohannis, cc. 5–6, ActaSS Iun. 5 (Paris, 1867), 37–8.

44 Ibid., cc. 26–7, ActaSS Iun. 5, 43. Manual labour, ibid., cc. 35, 37, at 44–5. For the date and models of composition, Panarelli, F., Dal Gargano alla Toscana: il Monachesimo riformato latino dei Pulsanesi (secoli XII-XIV) (Rome, 1997), 27986 Google Scholar.

45 Vita Iohannis, c. 102, at 50. Vita Guilielmi, c. 39, at 109, giving his regulations for his foundation at Goleto: ‘there was no one who, even in sickness, had acquaintance with wine. They considered meat, cheese and an egg a sin even to name’. See Panarelli, Dal Gargano, 90. For north European comparisons, cf. Leyser, Hermits and the New Monasticism, 53, 66–7.

46 Vita Iohannis, cc. 49–50; ActaSS Iun. 5, 49–50.

47 Stated in the first surviving papal bull for Pulsano, Panarelli, Dal Gargano, 291–3.

48 Italia Pontificia, ed. P. F. Kehr, 10 vols (Berlin, 1905–75), ix; Samnium-Apulia-Lucania, ed. W. Holtzmann (Berlin, 1962), 109, no. 1.

49 Leyser, Hermits and the New Monasticism, 86–96, points to a general tendency of eremitic monks towards adoption of a conventual lifestyle: in southern Italy, however, the model was specifically Benedictine.

50 ‘The prior of the hermits of Majella’ received a grant from the Bishop-elect of Chieti in 1141, and the community was still described as one of hermits in a bull of Alexander III in 1175, although at some point between 1164 and 1175 its head had become an abbot, Collectio Bullarum Vaticanae, 1: xxi, 62–4.

51 The Ecclesiastical History of Ordene Vitalis, ed. and trans. M. Chibnall, 6 vols (Oxford, 1969–81), 2: 98–103. L.-R. Ménager, ‘Les foundations monastiques de Robert Guiscard, duc de Pouille et de Calabre’, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 39 (1959). 1–116; Houben, Die Abtei Venosa, 138–47.

52 VQPA, 17–18. These events took place in the late 1060s, during the lifetime of his predecessor Leo, while Peter was acting as the latter’s deputy. They did not prevent him succeeding Leo as abbot in 1079.

53 G. Vitolo, ‘Cava e Cluny’, in Leone and Vitolo, Minima Cavensia, 19–44. The death of Abbot Peter in 1123 was presaged by a vision of three of the holy abbots of Cluny, VQPA, 26.

54 Die Êltere Wormser Briefsammlungen, ed. W. Bulst, MGH Die Briefe der Deutschen Kaiserzeit 3 (Weimar, 1949), 13–16, no. 1. Chron. Cas. III.51, 433–4.

55 L. T. White, Latin Monasticism in Norman Sicily (Cambridge, MA, 1938), 149–51. H. Houben, ‘Il monachesimo cluniacense e i monasteri normanni dell’Italia meridionale’, Benedictina 39 (1992), 341–61, at 354–7 [reprinted in idem, Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo: monasteri e castelli, ebrei e musulmani (Naples, 1996), 7–22, at 17–20], suggests tentatively that the impetus for this foundation may have come from Roger II of Sicily’s Spanish wife Elvira, whose father Alfonso VI of Castile was one of Cluny’s greatest patrons.

56 White, Latin Monasticism, 184.

57 Cartulaire general de l’ordre des Hospitaliers de St. Jean de Jérusalem (1100—1310), ed. J. Delaville Le Roulx, 4 vols (Paris, 1894–1906), 1: 29–30, no. 30. A. Luttrell, ‘Gli Ospedalierinel Mezzogiorno’, in G. Musca ed., Il Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo e le Crociale, Atti delle quattordicesime giornate normanno-sveve, 2000 (Bari, 2002), 290–1.

58 Regesto di San Leonardo di Siponto, ed. F. Camobreco, Regesta Chartarum Italiae io (Rome, 1913), esp. 8–9, no. 10, 15–16, no. 23 (the first reference to canons). A bull of Alexander III in 1167, ibid., 45, no. 70, listed 9 dependant churches. For the takeover by the Teutonic Order, ibid., 129–33, nos 194–7. See also, H. Houben, ‘Iuxta stratum perigrinorum: la canonica di S. Leonardo di Siponto’, Rivista di storia della chiesa in Italia 56 (2002), 323–45, esp. 328–31.

59 Fuiano, M., Napoli nel Medioevo (Naples, 1972), 120.Google Scholar

60 See n. 48 above.

61 White, Latin Monasticism, 189–204. According to the papal taxation lists of the early fourteenth century Cefalù had an annual income of 350 unciae, compared with 600 for the archbishopric of Palermo, but only 150 for the nearby see of Patti, Rationes Decimarum Italiae-Sicilia, ed. P. Sella, Studi e Testi 112 (Vatican City, 1944), 15,30,37.

62 For the date, L-R. Ménager, ‘Lanfranco, notaio pontificio (1091–3), la diplomatica ducale Italo-normanna e la certosa di S. Stefano del Bosco’, Studi storici meridionali 3 (1983), 1–37. There is no satisfactory study of the Calabrian Carthusians, and the documentation has been seriously corrupted by early modern forgeries.

63 Trinchera, Syllabus, 69–71, no. 53. F. Ughelli, Italia Sacra, 2nd edn by N. Colletti, 10 vols (Venice, 1717–21), 9: 425.

64 PL 163, 395, no. 452, also found in Italia Pontificia, vol. 10: Calabria-Insulae, ed. D. Girgensohn (Berlin, 1975), 72, no. 14. H. Houben, ‘Le Istituzioni monastiche dell’Italia meridionale all’epoca di S. Bernardo di Clairvaux’, in Houben, H. and Vetere, B., eds, I Cistercensi nel Mezzogiorno medioevale (Lecce, 1994), 7389, at 80.Google Scholar

65 Its first charter dates from 1145, Carte latine di abbazie calabresi provenienti dall’Archivio Aldobrandini, ed. Pratesi, A., Studi e Testi 197 (Vatican City, 1958), 412, no. 14 Google Scholar. For its subsequent history, and the identity between the original foundation and the later Sambucina, De Leo, P., ‘L’insediamento dei Cistercensi nel “Regnum Siciliae”: I Primi monasteri Cistercensi calabresi’, in Houben, and Vetere, , I Cistercensi nel Mezzogiorno medioevale, 31737 Google Scholar.

66 Sancti Bernardi Opera, ed. J. Leclerq and H. M. Rochais, 8 vols (Rome, 1977), 8: 67–9, nos 208–9. [English trans, in B. Scott James, The Letters of St. Bernard of Clairvaux (London, 1953). 349–50. nos 277–8].

67 White, Latin Monasticism, 166.

68 Houben and Vetere, I Cistercensi nel Mezzogiorno medioevale, 189–90, 194–5, 206–10, 270–1, 293, 339, 346. White, Latin Monasticism, 168–79.

69 Kamp, N., ‘The Bishops of Southern Italy in the Norman and Staufen Periods’, in Loud, G. A. and Metcalfe, A., eds, The Society of Norman Italy (Leiden, 2002), 185209, at 205Google Scholar.

70 Panarelli, Dal Gargano, 93.

71 Ibid., 137–236. For one of its Tuscan dependencies, Osheim, D., A Tuscan Monastery and its Social World: San Michele of Guamo (1156–1348) (Rome, 1989)Google Scholar.

72 Panarelli, Dal Gargano, 240–4.