Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-g8jcs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-28T16:58:28.409Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

‘Tempering the Wind …’: Moderation and Discretion in Late Twelfth-Century Papal Decretals

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Anne J. Duggan*
Affiliation:
King’s College, University of London

Extract

Medieval canon law has generally had a bad press. Its professionalization in the period c. 1140 to 1234 can easily be caricatured as the emergence of a rigid, centralized, and authoritarian system which paid small heed to the needs of the people it was supposed to serve. This conclusion is readily sustained by perusal of the Liber Extra, the Gregorian Decretales of 1234, which enshrined the legal developments of the period, from about 1140, which followed the establishment of Gratian’s Decretum as the principal authority for the teaching and practice of canon law. The genesis of the Liber Extra is well known. Pope Gregory IX commissioned Raymond of Peñafort to compile an authoritative collection of papal decretals and conciliar legislation to supplement Gratian’s Decretum, and it drew, principally but not exclusively, on the so-called Quinqe compilationes antique which had been compiled for teaching purposes in Bologna between c. 1189–91 and 1226.’ And when the work was completed, it was authorized by the bull Rex pacificus, which ordered that ‘everyone should use only this compilation in judgements and in the schools (ut hac tantum compilatione universi utantur in iudiciis et in scholis); and a copy was duly dispatched to the canon law school in Bologna. The image of centralized, authoritarian lawmaking could not be clearer; and that perception is reinforced by an examination of its structure, where the individual extracts are organized systematically under Titles, which define the subject matter. Such a compilation, like the Quinque compilationes themselves, was the result of an analytical method, which totally obscured the processes of consultation which had preceded many of the decisions, as well as depriving them, in many cases, of their historical context in terms of the identity of the pope, the recipient, the litigants, and the local circumstances. What emerged was a disembodied code, shorn of the nuances and hesitations which had characterized the decisions which it enshrined.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 2007

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Quinque compilationes antiquae necnon collectio canonum Lipsiensis, ed. Friedberg, E. (Leipzig, 1882; repr. 1956)Google Scholar, for Compilano prima and Compilano secunda [hereafter: 1 Camp. and 2 Comp.].

2 Decretales Gregorii IX [hereafter: Decretales] (CIC 2:3).

3 For example, De officio et potestate iudicis delegati (Decretales, 1.29); De appellationibus, recusationibus, et relationibus (Decretales, 2.28); De matrimonio contracto contra interdicium ecclesiae (Decretales, 4.16); Qui filii sint legitimi (Decretales, 4.17), etc.

4 Note that Raymond’s compilation, the Liber Extra (Decretales), contained only the excerpts printed in Roman font in Friedberg’s edition; it was the latter who inserted, in italics, the often extensive passages which Raymond had omitted: Decretales, xlv, ‘Ut vero quae inserui a Gregoriano textu discerni possent, ilia italicis quos vocant typis exprimenda curavi’.

5 Decretum Gratiani [hereafter: Gratian], C.29 q.2 c.8 (CIC 1: 1095). ‘Coniugia servorum non dirimantur, etiam si diversos dominos habeant… Et hoc in illis observandum est, ubi legalis coniunctio fuit, et per voluntatem dominorum.’

6 Regesta pontificum romanorum: ab condita ecclesia ad annum post Christum natum MCXCVII, ed., Jaffé, P., rev. edn by Löwenfeld, S., Kaltenbrunner, F., and Ewald, P. (Leipzig, 1885–88) [hereafter: Jaffé, Regesta], 10445 Google Scholar; Decretales, 4.9.1. Duggan, A. J., ‘Servus servorum Dei’, in Bolton, B. and Duggan, A. J., eds, Adrian IV, the English Pope (1154–1159): Studies and Texts (Aldershot, 2003), 181210, at 18990, 204, no. 2.Google Scholar

7 Brooke, C. N. L., The Medieval Idea of Marriage (Oxford, 1989), 512, 2645 Google Scholar; Peter Landau, ‘Hadrians IV. Dekretale ‘Dignum est’ (Decretales, 4.9.1) und die Eheschliessung Unfreier in der Diskussion von Kanonisten und Theologen des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts’, in Forchielli, Giuseppe und Stickler, Alphons M., eds, Collectanea S. Kuttner 2, Studia Gratiana 12 (Bologna, 1967), 51153 Google Scholar; idem, ‘Frei und Unirei in der Kanonistik des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts am Beispiel der Ordination der Unfreien’, in Fried, J., ed., Die abendländische Freiheit vom 10. zum 14. Jahrhundert (Sigmaringen, 1991), 17796, at 178 Google Scholar; Bocarius, A. Sahaydachny, ‘The Marriage of Unfree Persons: Twelfth-Century Decretals and Letters’, in Landau, Peter, ed., De iure canonico medii aevi: Festschrift für Rudolf Weigand, Studia Gratiana 27 (Rome, 1996), 481506, at 485, 48995.Google Scholar

8 Duggan, A. J., ‘Making the Old Law ‘New’, II: Canon Law in New Environments; Norway and the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, in Szuromi, S. A., ed., Medieval Canon Law Collections and European ‘lus commune’: (Középkori kánonjogi gyžjtemények és az európai ‘ius commune’) (Budapest, 2006), 23662, at 243.Google Scholar

9 For the implications of excommunication latae sententiae in this context, see Vodola, E., Excommunication in the Middle Ages (Berkeley, CA, 1986), 2831.Google Scholar

10 Jaffé, Regesta, 12180; Decretales, 5.12.6(a), 5.39.1(b)-2(c)-3(d);cf. Duggan, C., ‘St Thomas of Canterbury and Aspects of the Becket Dispute in the Decretal Collections’, in Viola, C. E., ed., Mediaevalia Christiana XIe-XIIIesiècles: hommage à Raymonde Foreville (Paris, 1989), 87135, at 11011, no. 23 Google Scholar; repr. with the same pagination in idem, Decretals and the Creation of “New Law in the Twelfth Century: Judges, Judgements, Equity and Law (Aldershot, 1998), no. II.

11 Jaffé, Regesta, 13917; Decretales, 4.17.6: ‘Tanta est vis matrimonii, ut qui antea sunt geniti post contractum matrimonium legitimi habeantur.’ Duggan, Compare C., ‘Equity and Compassion in Papal Marriage Decretals to England’, in Hoecke, W. Van and Welkenhuysen, A., eds, Love and Marriage in the Twelfth Century (Leuven, 1981), 5987, at 77 Google Scholar; repr. with the same pagination in idem, Decretals and the Creation of ‘New Law’, no. IX.

12 For this revised dating, see Duggan, A. J., ‘The English Exile of Archbishop Øystein of Nidaros (1180–83)’, in Napran, L. and Houts, E. van, eds, Exile in the Middle Ages: Selected Proceedings from the International Medieval Congress, University of Leeds 8–11 July 2002 (Brussels, 2004), 10930 Google Scholar, Appendix. These important texts are treated more fully in Duggan, A. J., The Decretals of Archbishop Øystein of Trondheim (Nidaros)’, in Pennington, Kenneth and Blumenthal, Uta-Renate, eds, Proceedings of the Twelfth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Washington, DC, 2004 (Vatican City, 2007)Google Scholar; cf. Holtzmann, W., ‘Krone und Kirche in Norwegen im 12. Jahrhundert’, Deutsches Archiv 2 (1938), 341400, at 38395, nos 1–11.Google Scholar

13 This estimate of distance strongly suggests Greenland: see Forte, A., Oram, R., and Pedersen, F., Viking Empires (Cambridge, 2005), 330 Google Scholar, quoting the Lanánámabók: ‘Learned men state that from Stad [north of Bergen] in Norway it is seven days’ sail west to Horn in the east of Iceland; and from Snaefellsnes, where the distance is shortest, it is four days’ sea west to Greenland.’

14 Ex diligenti: Decretales Ineditae Saeculi XII, ed. S. Chodorow and C. Duggan, Monumenta Iuris Canonici, ser. B: Corpus Collectionum 4 (Vatican City, 1982), 149–51, at 149, no. 86; cf. Holtzmann, ‘Krone und Kirche’, 383–4, no. 1. A similar dispensation was made on the grounds of the duritiam populi to Archbishop Gerard of Split/Spalato (Dalmatia, then in Hungary) in 1168–70: Duggan, G., ‘Decretal Letters to Hungary’, Folia Theologica (Budapest) 3 (1992), 531, at 234, no. 10 Google Scholar; repr. with the same pagination in idem, Decretals and the Creation of ‘New Law’, no. V: ‘Verum super eo quod quarto vel quinto gradu consanguinitatis in provincia tua dicuntur esse coniuncti, propter duritiam populi talia matrimonia, licet sint contra sacrorum canonum institutionem contracta, sub silentio et dissimulatione poteris preterire (But on the point that people in your province are said to be married within the fourth or fifth degree of consanguinity, because of the obduracy of the people, you may pass over such marriages in silent dissimulation, even though they are contracted contrary to the institution of the sacred canons).’

15 Holtzmann, , ‘Krone und Kirche’, 38890, no. 6 Google Scholar (Quoniam inparte, now dated 1163–73), at 389, §2.

16 Ibid., 391–2, no. 8 (Audiuimus quod, 10 Dec. 1169), at 392, §2.

17 Decretales, 2.9.3 (CIC 2: 271–2), here wrongly addressed ‘Triburiensi Archiepiscopo’; cf. Holtzmann, , ‘Krone und Kirche’, 388, no. 5 Google Scholar, without text (Licet tarn ueteris, 1164–81).

18 Ibid.: ‘liceat parochianis vestris diebus dominicis et aliis festis, praeterquam in maioribus anni solennitatibus, si alecia terrae se inclinaverint, eorum captioni ingoiente necessitate intendere’; cf. Holtzmann, ibid.

19 Ibid., 388–90, no. 6 (Quoniam inparte, now dated 1163–73), at 388–9, § 1.

20 Ibid., 389, §4.

21 Bibliotheca hagiographica latina antiquae et media aetatis, ed. Société des Bollandistes (Brussels, 1898–1902; repr. in 2 vols, 1949), nos 7850–6.

22 Holtzmann, ‘Krone und Kirche’, 384–6, no. 2 (Uestre discretions, now dated 1163–73), at 3 86, § 6. But Alexander pointed out (ibid., § 5), relying on the current legend, that it was [Pope] Sylvester, not Eusebius, who had baptized the emperor Consentine!

23 Decisions addressed to one recipient in one context could enter the tradition of written law and be circulated as authoritative definitions through the schools and courts of Europe. For the rapid transmission of some of Adrian IV’s decretals, see Duggan, ‘Servus servorum Dei’, 185–90, 202–7, esp. nos 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, and 9.

24 Chartres, Fulcher of, Historia Hierosolymitana, ed. Hagenmeyer, H. (Heidelberg, 1913), 7489 Google Scholar (iii, 37, cc. 3–4) recorded that Latin men married converted Syrian, Armenian, and Saracen women. For conditions in Acre following the Christian defeat at Hattin (1187) and the loss of the greater part of the Latin kingdom to Saladin, see Hamilton, B., The Latin Church in the Crusader States: the Secular Church (London, 1980), 2434, 301 Google Scholar. Theobald, the recipient of this letter, former prior of the cathedral of Nazareth and a canon in Nazareth from 1174, was elected bishop of Acre on 17 Aug. 1191; he died c. 1200.

25 Gratian, C.31 q.1 c.4 (CIC 1: 1109). ‘Tribur’ was a mistake. The council was held at Meaux in 845. See Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, ed. Mansi, J. D., cont. Martin, I. B. and Petit, L., 53 vols (Florence/Venice, 1759–98; Paris, 1901–27; repr. Graz, 1960–61), 14: 835 Google Scholar, c. 69.

26 Jaffé, Regesta, 13904; 1 Comp. 4.18.6, Decretala, 4.17.6 (CIC 2: 712).

27 Decretales, 3.33.1, ad fin. (CIC 2: 588), supplied by Friedberg from earlier collections, including 2 Comp. 3.20.2.

28 2 Comp. 2.9.2 = Decretales, 2.16.2 (Clem. III); 2 Comp. 4.12.3 = Decretales, 4.18.4; 2 Comp. 4.4.2 = Decretales, 4.6.6 (Celest. III); 2 Comp. 3.20.2 = Decretales, 3.33.1 (omitting the passages cited here, which were supplied by Friedberg); 2 Comp. 2.12.4 = Decretales, 2.20.27; 2 Comp. 4.9.3 = Decretales, 4.15.5; 2 Comp. 2.11.un = Decretales, 2.25.1.

29 The assumption that Innocent had been a pupil of Huguccio was challenged by Pennington, K., ‘The Legal Education of Pope Innocent III’, Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law 4 (1974), 707 Google Scholar; but compare Moore, J. C., ‘Lotario dei Conti di Segni (Pope Innocent III) in the 1180sArchivum Historiae Pontificiae 29 (1991), 2558.Google Scholar

30 Die Register Innocenz III., 2: Pontifikatsjahr, 1199/1200; Texte, ed. Hageneder, O., Maleczek, W., and Strnad, A. A., Publikationen der Abteilung für historische Studien des Österreichischen Kulturinstituts in Rom, 2. Abt., 1st ser., 2 vols (Rome/Vienna, 1979), 2: 889, no. 48 (50)Google Scholar, Quoniam te novimus, to Hugh, bishop of Ferrara, ‘Per hanc autem responsionem quorundam malitie obviatur, qui in odium coniugum, vel quando sibi invicem displicerent, si eas possent in tali casu dimittere, simularent heresim, ut ab ipsa nubentibus coniugibus resilirent’ It was this correction which entered the legal tradition as Decretales, 4.19.7 (CIC 2: 722–3, at 723).

31 His great work was the Decretum (1008–1012; 1023): PL 140, 537–1065 (from Jean Foucher’s 1549 edition); cf. Balberghe, E. van, ‘Les éditions du Décret de Burchard de Worms’, Recherches de Théologie ancienne et médiévale 37 (1970), 522 Google Scholar; Fransen, G., ‘Le Décret de Burchard de Worms: valeur du texte de l’édition; essai de classement des manuscrits’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fùr Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistishe Abteilung 63 (1977), 119, at 3 Google Scholar; Fuhrmann, H., Einfluss und Verbreitung der Pseudoisidorischen Fälschungen, Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica 24, 3 vols (Stuttgart, 1972–74), 2: 44285, 57682.Google Scholar

32 See now Brasington, B. C.’s edition and commentary, Ways of Mercy: the Prologue of Ivo of Chartres, Vita Regularis: Ordnungen und Deutungen religiosen Lebens im Mittelalter, Editionen, 2 (Münster, 2004).Google Scholar

33 Ibid., 58–9, 126: ‘Sicut quedam sunt que aut pro necessitate temporum aut pro consideracione etatum oportet temperali illa semper consideracione seruata ut in his que dubia fuerint aut obscura id nouerimus sequendum quod nee preceptis euangelicis contrarium nee decretis sanctorum patrum inueniatur aduersum.’ There is an unresolved debate about whether Ivo composed the Prologus for the Panormia or for the Decretum: see the summary in ibid., 9–10.

34 Ibid., 90, 140: ‘cessante necessitate, debent et ipse cessare, nec est pro lege habendum quod aut utilitas suasit aut necessitas imperauit.’ On an analogous principle, see Gouron, A., ‘Cessante causa cessat effectus: à la naissance de l’adage’, Académie des Inscriptions & Belles-Lettres (1999), 299309 Google Scholar. Compare Innocent I (PL 63, 259–60): ‘cessante necessitate, cessat pariter quod urgebat.’

35 Compare Gratian, C.1 q.1 c.41 (CIC 1: 374): ‘Quod pro necessitate temporis statutum est, cessante necessitate debet utique cessare quod urgebat: quia alia est ordo legitimus, alia usurpatio, quam ad presens fieri tempus impellit.’

36 Gratian, D. 14 c.2 (CIC 1:33)

37 The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury 1162–1170, ed. and trans. Duggan, A. J., Oxford Medieval Texts, 2 vols (Oxford, 2000), 1: 2245, no. 54 (Melgueil, c.22 August 1165).Google Scholar

38 Brasington, , Ways of Mercy, 117, 116.Google Scholar

39 Ibid., 141–2. Compare Engen, J. Van, ‘From Practical Theology to Divine Law’, in Landau, Peter and Müller, Joers, eds, Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law: Munich, 13–18 July 1992, Monumenta Iuris Canonici, ser. C: Subsidia 10 (Vatican City, 1997), 87396.Google Scholar