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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
To Mr Thomas Neale and his wife, my loving son and daughter, for a poor token of remembrance, a pair of great French candlesticks and one great brass pot… a fair table of walnut tree standing in the great parlour… two pieces of Arras wrought in pictures with silk and gold, six tapestry cushions and the bedstead of walnut tree wherein I used to lie at Warnford … To Joan Knight, daughter of my son Mr John Knight, my diamond ring of gold and a pair of bracelets of gold which were given unto me by my … husband.
1 PRO, PCC PROB 11/91 (4 Lewyn).
2 All Bancroft and his agents ever ascertained was that ‘they use to make collection of money for their brethren that travel for them beyond the seas, and the money gathered is commonly delivered to one Field, a preacher in the City, and one Culverwell in Thames Street’: Albert Peel, ed., Tracts Ascribed to Richard Bancroft (Cambridge, 1953), p. 12.
3 Collinson, Patrick, The Birthpangs of Protestant England (London, 1988), pp. 98, 102.Google Scholar
4 DNB: Taverner, John (fl. 1530).
5 London, Greater London Record Office [hereafter GLRO], DL/C/303, p. 369; Hale, W. H., Precedents and Proceedings in Criminal Causes (London, 1847), p. 228.Google Scholar
6 His descendants believed that Nicholas’s father was one William Culverwell of ‘Bomley’, Middlesex: Lincolnshire Pedigrees, Harleian Society (London, 1902), 1, p. 285; but this is almost certainly one of those family legends which bedevil genealogical research. All the Culverwell wills refer to family and friends around Taunton and Wells, and Nicholas’s eldest son, Samuel, stated at the time of his ordination in 1578 that he was born in Wells (London, Guild-hall Library [hereafter GL], MS 9535/2, fol. 4v). Samuel was 27 at the time, so was born probably in 1551.
7 Kinship is established by comparing legatees in Barne’s will PRO, PCC PROB 11/40 (13 Noodes) with those in various Culverwell wills; but the bald statement that Elizabeth was Barne’s niece, found in the genealogical tree appended to the Introduction to Nathaniel Culverwell’s An Elegant and Learned Discourse of the Light of Nature, ed. Robert A. Greene and Hugh MacCallum (Toronto, 1971) is not thus substantiated; for Barne’s career, T. S. Willan, The Muscovy Merchants of 1555 (Manchester, 1953), p. 78; for his family connections, Rachel Lloyd, Elizabethan Adventurer, a Life of Christopher Carleill (London, 1974), ch. 1.
8 London, GL, MS 15,857, vol. 1, fol. 90r.
9 CPR (1558-60), p. 202.
10 Humphrey, Laurence, Ioannis Ivelli Angli Episcopi Sarisburiensis vita et mors… (London, 1573), p. 99.Google Scholar Humphrey actually says six months, but this hardly fits with Jewel’s known movements as a Royal Commissioner in the autumn of 1559.
11 Garrett, C. H., The Marian Exiles (Cambridge, 1938), pp. 92–4.Google Scholar John Bodley was one of the four overseers of Nicholas’s will in 1569: PRO, PCC PROB 11/52 (7 Lyon), and one of the two overseers of Richard Culverwell’s in 1584: PRO, PCC PROB 11/69 (9 Windsor). Elizabeth Culverwell, ‘reposing my only and special confidence in him’, appointed Bodley her sole executor in 1589 in preference to either of her surviving sons: London, GL, MS 9171/17, fols 262r-4r; and PRO, PCC PROB 11/75 (9 Drury). His daughter Sybil married Anthony Culverwell, nephew of Nicholas and Richard, and his own will of 1591 grants privileges to Anthony which were not extended to any of his other sons-in-law. PRO, PCC PROB 11/75 (90 Saintberbe).
12 Collinson, Patrick, The Letters of Thomas Wood, Puritan, 1566-1577, BIHR, special supplement no. 5 (1960), p. ix.Google Scholar
13 PRO, PCC PROB 11/52 (7 Lyon); CPR (1569-72), no. 2416.
14 Le Huray, Peter, Music and the Reformation in England 1549-1660 (London, 1967), pp. 370, 403–5.Google Scholar
15 For background see Carleton, Kenneth W. T., ‘John Marbeck and The Booke of Common Praier Noted ’, p. 259 above.Google Scholar
16 And probably the man of these names ordained deacon in November 1551 and priest in May 1552 by Ridley: of St Bridget’s, London, where he has lived 4 years; born, Wednesbury, Staffs.; aged 30: GL MS 9535/1, fols 9v, 11r, transcribed in W. H. Frere, The Marian Reaction (London, 1896), pp. 200, 204.
17 Others circulated, such as Robert Crowley’s The Psalter of David Newly Translated into English Metre, also dating from 1549.
18 Temperley, Nicholas, ‘Psalms, Metrical; III. England’, in Stanley Sadie, ed., New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London, 1980), 15, pp. 358–9 Google Scholar; DNB: Hopkins, John (d. 1570).
19 Garrett, , Marian Exiles, pp. 93, 204.Google Scholar
20 DNB: Kethe, Williams (d. 1608?).
21 Noel Coward, Privale Lives, Act 1.
22 Collinson, , Birthpangs of Protestant England, p. 103.Google Scholar
23 Temperley, , ‘Psalms, Metrical’, pp. 360–1.Google Scholar
24 This is the wording in the (unharmonized) edition of The Whole Book of Psalms… of 1583 (Dr Williams’s Library copy, shelfmark 5601.H.2).
25 Dente, Arthur, The Ruin of Rome: or, an Exposition upon the Whole Revelation (London, 1603), p. 162.Google Scholar
26 Huray, Le, Music and the Reformation, p. 376.Google Scholar
27 Oboussier, Philippe, ‘Parsons, William (fl. 1545-63)’, New Grove Dictionary, 14, pp. 249–50.Google Scholar
28 Will of Alice Prestwood, John Bodley’s mother: PRO, PCC PROB 11/42A (34 Wells); will of George Sotherton: PRO, PROB 11/119 (48 Fenner); will of Richard Culverwell: PRO, PROB 11/69 (9 Windsor). The House of Commons 1558-1603, ed. P. W. Hasler (London, 1981), p. 418.
29 HMC Laing (London, 1914), 1, p. 24.
30 PRO, PCC PROB 11/115 (38 Wingfield); The House of Commons 1558-1603, ed. Hasler, pp. 418-19.
31 The Autobiography of Thomas Whythorne, ed. James Osborn (Oxford, 1961), appendix III.
32 PRO, PCC PROB 11/42B (15 Chaynay and 47 Chaynay); abstracted without preambles in F. G. Emmison, Elizabethan Life: Wills of Essex Gentry and Merchants (Chelmsford, 1978), pp. 72-3. Garrett, Marian Exiles, p. 137, assumed that the Thomas who died in May was the exile, but a comparison of the two wills, and that of the Thomas who died in February with the Inquisition of 1556: D. M. Loades, ‘The Essex Inquisitions of 1556’, BIHR, 35 (1962), p. 93, places identification beyond a doubt. But it should be noted that Loades (p. 89) nevertheless accepts Garrett’s assumption that the exile was the Thomas who died in May.
33 PRO, REQ 2 75/36. The name is given as ‘Cousin’ in the indictment, but one of the documents is endorsed ‘John Cosyn’ in an excellent hand.
34 For the musical duties of the parish clerk, see Nicholas Temperley, ‘Parish clerk’, New Grove Dictionary, 14, p. 226.
35 Blount, Gilbert and Reeve, Robert, ‘Munday, William (b. c.1529; d. London, probably before 12 Oct. 1591)’, New Grove Dictionary, 12, pp. 779–80 Google Scholar; Huray, Le, Music and the Reformation, pp. 211–13.Google Scholar
36 Ibid., p. 380.
37 Cosyn, John, Music of Six and Five Parts (London, 1585)Google Scholar, preface, sig. A2; Meyer, Ernest H., English Chamber Music (London, 1946), pp. 114–15 Google Scholar. The use of the phrase in my profession is surely significant. It would suggest that a growing number of composers were beginning to assume that their professional competence placed them in a position to expect independent patronage from persons willing to pay for the kind of music they wished to hear performed.
38 Cosyn, Music of Six and Five Parts, sig. A2. My italics.
39 Little else can be said of Cosyn. He is usually assumed to be the ‘one Cosen’ employed by the Kyrson family of Hengrave Hall during 1575: John Buxton, Elizabethan Taste (London, 1963), p. 189. For the remaining facts see Suzi Jeans, ‘Cosyn, John (bur. Camberwell 5 Feb 1608/9)’, New Grove Dictionary, 4, p. 827; Le Huray, Music and the Reformation, p. 379.
40 Edmond, Mary, Hilliard and Oliver (London, 1983), pp. 25–7 Google Scholar; Strong, Roy, Artists of the Tudor Court (London, 1983), p. 58, and The English Renaissance Miniature, rev. edn (London, 1984), p. 66 Google Scholar. The two authors, preparing for publication at precisely the same time, never refer to each other in print, and for details of Hilliard’s early life Sir Roy constantly cites Erna Auerbach, Nicholas Hilliard (London, 1961), pp. 1-10. But it should be pointed out here that Auerbach never mentions John Bodley, the Marian exile or even (an extraordinary lapse) Miss Garrett, who opined (Marian Exiles, p. 183) that there was nothing either to prove or to disprove identification of the Genevan Nicholas Hilliard with the painter. For the available facts about Hilliard’s career and private life Edmond has now provided chapter and verse and should henceforth be quoted in preference to Auerback.Yet, in her turn, she makes no reference to the Emmanuel charter, upon which Sir Roy lays so much emphasis (see below).
41 Strong, , English Renaissance Miniature, p. 68, Artists of the Tudor Court, pp. 60–1 Google Scholar; Auerbach, Erna, Tudor Artists (London, 1954), p. 146 Google Scholar; Edmond, , Hilliard and Oliver, pp. 29–30 Google Scholar. For the extant works of the Master of the Countess of Warwick see Strong, Roy, The English Icon (London, 1969), pp. 107–14.Google Scholar
42 Edmond, , Hilliard and Oliver, pp. 105–7.Google Scholar
43 Strong, , Artists of the Tudor Court, p. 60.Google Scholar
44 Edmond, , Hilliard and Oliver, pp. 50, 78 Google Scholar; PRO, E/310/41/15, nos 511, 513, 515-27.
45 Strong, , English Renaissance Miniature, p. 89.Google Scholar
46 Ibid.
47 Vivienne Lake, ‘Richard Culverwell: Res tuas age’ (typescript deposited in Emmanuel College Archives, box COL. 9.3; copy kindly supplied to me by the author); Porter, H. C., Reformation and Reaction in Tudor Cambridge (Cambridge, 1958), p. 239 Google Scholar; Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, The City of Cambridge (London, 1959), 1, p. 61.
48 Lake, ‘Richard Culverwell’. Seven volumes belonging to Richard, uniformly bound, still survive at Emmanuel, and another came to light as recently as 1985 with the inscription, Ex Dono Annae Culverwell: Emmanuel College Archives, COL. 20.1; Stubbings, Frank, A Brief History of Emmanuel College Library (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 1–2 Google Scholar; Bush, S. and Rasmussen, C.J., The Library of Emmanuel College Cambridge, 1584-1637 (Cambridge, 1986), p. 22 Google Scholar and fig. 14, and for details of the books, pp. 97, 145, 149, 155, 171, 174. (My thanks are due to Dr Frank Stubbings, formerly Librarian of the College, for supplying information and full references.)
49 For the circumstances surrounding the foundation of the Bodleian, see Boas, Frederick S., ‘Sir Thomas Bodley and his Library’, in Queen Elizabeth in Drama and Related Studies (London, 1950), pp. 122–40.Google Scholar
50 For Elizabeth’s will, see n. 11 above. For a discussion of the precise definition of painted cloths, Susan Foister, ‘Paintings and other works of art in sixteenth-century English inventories’, Burlington Magazine, 123 (1981), p. 274.
51 PRO, PCC PROB 11/53 (18 Holney).
52 Auerbach, Tudor Artists, pp. 174-5.
53 Lees-Milne, James, Tudor Renaissance (London, 1951), p. 84 Google Scholar. Auerbach, Tudor Artists, p. 174, lists no reference to Lewes later than 1581.
54 Collinson, , Birthpangs of Protestant England, p. 112.Google Scholar
55 See above, pp. 294-5.
56 CPR (1563-6), no. 933; (1569-72), no. 2216; E. A. Webb, The Records of St Bartholomew’s Priory and of the Church and Parish of St Bartholomew the Great, West Smithfield, 2 vols (Oxford, 1921), 1, p. 551, 2, pp. 137, 271, 523.
57 PRO, PCC PROB 11/98 (81 Wooddall).
58 Neither family is indexed in Beaven, A. B., The Aldermen of the City of London, 2 vols (London, 1913)Google Scholar; Culverwell, Richard is by implication dismissed as a ‘Ruler’ in Frank Freeman Foster’s The Politics of Stability: a Portrait of the Rulers in Elizabethan London (London, 1977), p. 169.Google Scholar