¹ Goff, Jacques Le, ‘Apostolat mendiant et fait urbain dans la France médiévale’, Annales 23 no 2 (1968) p 344 Google Scholar.

² [Barbara H.], Rosenwein and [Lester K.], Little, [‘Social Meaning in the Monastic and Mendicant Spiritualities’], PP 63 (May 1974) pp 4–32 Google Scholar.

³ ibid p 5.

⁴ Rosenwein and Little do not cite any mendicant sermons. The systematic study of medieval sermon manuscripts is entering a new phase, as [J. B.] Schneyer’s [Repertorium der laiemischen Sermones des Mittelalters für die Zeit von 1150-1310], Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mitteralters 43 (Münster, Westfalen, 1969-) nears completion.

⁵ Or Gilbert, Guibertus, Gilbertus, etc.

⁶ For the life and works of Guibert, see Gilberto, di Tournai, De Modo Addiscendi, ed Bonifacio, E., Pubblicazioni del Pontificio Ateneo Salesiano, 1, Testi e Studi sul Pensiero Medioevale (Turin 1953) pp 7–56 Google Scholar, and Benjamin, de Troeyer, Bio-Bibliographia Franciscana Neerlandica ante Saeculum XVI, 1 Pars Biographica : Auctores editionum qui scripserunt ante saeculum XVI (Nieuwkoop 1974) pp 15–43 Google Scholar.

⁷ For a list of manuscripts see Schneyer, Heft 2, pp 306-7.

⁸ There are exemplars, for instance, in the British Library and in the university libraries of Oxford and Cambridge: BL IB.49228 (‘Impressit Iohannes de Westfalia’); 846.b.6 (‘Venundantur Lugduni ab Stephano guenyard). Cambridge U[niversity] L[ibrary] G* 15 38 (‘Sumptibus . . . Stephani Gueynard. Impressum Lugduni per Magistrum Iohannem de Uingle. Anno domini Mcccccxi . . .’). Bodleian Library 8° T. 34 Th. (‘Sumptibus . . . Iohannes petit’) (Paris 1513); Inc. d. N3. 2 (Ioh. de Westfalia); Vet. E1 108 (Guenyard/Gueynard).

⁹ BN MS lat 15943.

¹⁰ Denifle, H. and Chatelain, A., Chartularium Unwersitatis Parisiensis, 2, 1 (Paris 1891) no 642, p 109 Google Scholar. For the pecia system in general see Destrez, J., La Pecia dans les manuscrits universitaires du xiii^e et du xiv^e siècle (Paris 1935)Google Scholar.

¹¹ The manuscript is Cambridge Peterhouse 200. The sermon to citizens engaged in public affairs (on the text ‘Estote imitatores dei . . .’) begins on fol 74^vb. The sermon to citizens living in communes (text: ‘Qui amat dividas fructum non capiet ex eis’) begins on fol. 76^va. The first of the two sermons to merchants (text: ‘Negotiamini dum venio’) begins fol. 79^ra. On fol. 42^r is written: xvii pec’. Similarly, on fol. 35^r: xiiii pec’. (In referring to this manuscript I have throughout been giving the medieval foliation. This begins after fol 62 of the modern foliation, which ceases at that point.) Paris was not the only place where a pecia system operated, but the presence of Guibert’s ad status collection on a Paris pecia list makes it likely that the Peterhouse manuscript was copied there.

¹² The evidence for this is the manuscript count - a reasonable yardstick when the differences are substantial enough. For the manuscripts of Jacques de Vitry’s ad status collection, his Sermones Vulgares, see Schneyer, Heft 3, pp 220-1. Compare above note 7.

¹³ For the manuscripts of Humbert of Romans’ De eruditione praedicatorum, see Kaeppeli, Th., Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum Medii Aevii, 2 (1975) pp 287-8Google Scholar. I would however be less confident about the manuscript count as a guide to comparative popularity here, where the lists of manuscripts come from two different Repertoria and where the difference between the number of manuscripts is less striking.

¹⁴ See two important articles by Murray, A. : ‘Piety and Impiety in Thirteenth-Century Italy’, SCH 8 (1972) pp 83–106 Google Scholar, esp pp 88 and 92-3; ‘Religion Among the Poor in Thirteenth Century France: The Testimony of Humbert de Romans’, Traditio 30 (1974) pp 285-324. In these valuable studies Murray is asking questions slightly different from (though if anything more important than) the ones I am putting to Guibert’s ad status collection, but there is hardly space to cover Humbert’s sermons as well in this paper.

¹⁵ ‘In deo est summa potestas, veritas, et bonitas. Deum igitur magnates efficaciter imitantur, si ipsi in potentia, sapientia, et sanctitate ei conformantur’, BN MS lat 15943 fol 123^va.

¹⁶ ‘Sapientia eorum declaratur in tribus: . . . Secundo, ut sciant alios iudicare.’ Ibid fol 124^va.

¹⁷ ‘Unde de illis qui pervertunt iudicium et munera accipiunt dicitur, ii Petr. ii Maledictionis filii: derelinquentes viam rectam erraverunt, sequti viam Balaam.’ Ibid fol 125^ra.

¹⁸ ‘Ys. i. Principes tui infideles, quia pactum baptismi non servant, et pompis Sathane non abrenuntiant, sed vanitatibus vacant, socii furum, dum aliorum rapine consentiunt et foventes in terra sua usurarios et iudeos partem lucri accipiunt. Ideo debemus cavere ne ab illis accipiamus munera qui de lacrimis pauperum congregant divitias, ne simus socii furum et dicatur nobis [cod. vobis?]: Si videbas furem, currebas cum eo’. Ibid.

¹⁹ Ibid fol 124^v for this subsection.

²⁰ ‘Primo ut sciant se ipsos regere.’ Ibid fol 124^va.

²¹ ‘Nunc vero quidam non solum verbum non audiunt, sed audientes derident et impediunt, et eos a predicatione avertunt in quantum possunt, sacrilegium committentes, sicut homines qui frangunt campanam ut homines non veniant ad missam’. Ibid fol 124^vb. Urban anticlericalism?

²² Ullmann, [W.], A History of Political Thought in the Middle Ages (London 1970) p 161 Google Scholar. Compare Ullmann, , Principles of Government and Politics in the Middle Ages (London 1961) pp 219-20Google Scholar.

²³ Compare Humbert of Romans, giving material for a sermon Ad rectores, et officiales ciuitatis: ‘Sciendum ergo, quod in huiusmodi statu non sunt ponendi nisi sapientes. Vnde Salomon, propter regimen populi sibi imminens, specialiter petiit sapientiam a Domino.’ De Eruditione Praedicatorum, bk 2, tract 1, 73, Maxima Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum 25 (Lyons 1677) p 492.

²⁴ ‘. . . quia corrupto cordis palato saporem spiritualem non sentiunt, non sicut Salomon, qui valde piacuit deo, qui offerente deo quod peteret quicquid vellet, sapientiam petiit. iii. Reg. iii. Non sic Karolus magnus, qui faciebat[***]legi in mensa sua, ut anima eius non minus satiaretur cibis spiritualibus quam corpus carnalibus. Unde inexcusabiles sunt. Si enim equm [sic]vel pannum emere volunt diligenter condiciones inquirunt; si egrotant, medicum vocant; et, [sic] de statu anime sue utrum sint in statu salutis vel perditionis non curant; cum tamen nulla sint periculosiora vulnera quam occulta, cuiusmodi [cod. cui^us] sunt peccata que committuntur ex ignorantia; et potest hic poni exemplum de pantera quam sequntur [sic] minuta animalia propter odorem occulta eorum vulnera et morbos curantem; sed draco toxicatus fugit in foveam, ne odor anticipet eum; sic predicatorem sequntur hodie pauperes propter salutem suam, sed magni [cod. magis?] burgenses presentientes odorem et toxicati veneno usure et aliorum peccatorum descendunt in tabernam.’ BN MS lat 15943 fol 124^va/b Guibert appears to see nothing odd in the transition from Salomon and Charlemagne to usurious urban magnates.

²⁵ ‘Inde est quod precipiebatur xvii, deut., ut rex semper haberet secum deuteronomium, ut se ipsum in lege dei dirigerei, et secundum eam iudicia sua formaret. [cod. formaret sua cum signis inversions]’ Ibid fol 124^va.

²⁶ ‘Si autem ita studiosi essent in lege divina et in sermonibus audiendis sicut in scatis [sic] et aleis, se et alios regere possent, et voluntatem dei cognoscerent’, ibid.

²⁷ My italics.

²⁸ For example, ‘. . . ut se amabiles bonis exhibeant . . .’, ibid fol 123^vb, and ‘. . . ut se a malis timeri faciant. . .’, ibid fol 124^ra.

²⁹ For example, ‘Non talis Gayus Caligula qui desiderabat populum romanum unicam habere cervicem ut in omnes exerceret crudelitatis sue tyrannidem . . .’ . Ibid fol 124.^ra

³⁰ ‘. . . multi dicunt quando arguuntur quod vaccam pauperis agricole abstulerunt: “sufficiat rustico quod ei vitulum dimisi; non feci ei tantum mali quantum fecissem si voluissem.”‘ Ibid fol 124^rb. Of course, there were many places where towns controlled the surrounding countryside; and the great men of towns could also be landowners.

³¹ The rubric shows that the sermon is addressed to cives, and in the sermon itself Guibert makes it clear that he is writing for rectores civitatum (‘Vocat enim dominus istos rectores civitatum ut audiant predicationis verbum et sciant regere se ipsos.’ Ibid fol 124^va). In this context the natural meaning of civitas would have been ‘city’ or ‘town’. The best evidence is the use of the words civis and civitas in a Collectio de Scandalis Ecclesiae, for its modern editor has argued that Guibert himself was almost certainly the author – Stroick, [P. Autbertus], ‘Verfasser und Quellen der Collectio de Scandalis Ecclesiae (Reformschrift des Fr. Gilbert von Toumay O.F.M. zum II. Konzil von Lyon, 1274)’, AFH, 23 (1930) pp 3–41 Google Scholar, 273-99, 433-66; and Stroick’s edition, ‘Collectio de Scandalis Ecclesiae, Nova Editio’, AFH, 24 (1931) pp 33-62Google Scholar, esp p 33 : ‘Eiusdem auctorem quasi certum habemus Gilbertum Tornacensem O.F.M.’ The description of the evils to be found in civitae build up a picture of an urban environment. See ibid p 60.

³² ‘sed cives nostri temporis ut sibi invicem noceant super diversa statuta officia diversa faciunt facta puniunt, deinde convellunt et alia faciunt.’ BN MS lat 15943 fol 125^vb. The text is probably corrupt but the general sense seems clear.

³³ Compare Gilchrist, J., The Church and Economic Activity in the Middle Ages (London 1969) pp 51-2Google Scholar.

³⁴ The following passage gives a good idea of the tone of the greater part of the sermon : ‘Relinqunt etiam insatiabilitatem in appetitu. Eccl. [col b] iiii. Unus est et secundum non habet, et tarnen laborare non cessat, nec satiantur oculi eius divitiis. Insatiabilis enim est oculus cupidi; nichil enim potest animam replere nisi deus. Unde tanta est anime capacitas quod non repletur modicis. Ipsa autem anima ymago est dei, et ideo maior est toto mundo, immo quanto magis repletur temporalibus [tanto] minus repletur deo, et ita semper remanet vacua. Res enim in se vanitatem habent, et ideo non replent. Res etiam sunt extra. Sitis autem est in anima. Fatuus autem esset esuriens a qui se refectum diceret eo quod panem in archa tantum haberet. Propterea [cod P^a] aviditatis vitium semper tendit in infinitum, sicut ignis semper adureret si quis ei materiam apponeret. Seneca: Si vis divitem facere, non divitiis addendum, sed divitiis detrahendum. Relinqunt etiam cecitatem in intellectu. Obnubilant enim divitie intellectum divitis ita ut inter se et dividas non distinguit [cod distingunt], ita ut si domus eius comburitur, dicit se combustum.’ BN MS lat 15943 fol 127^va/^b.

³⁵ ‘Laborant enim per fas et nefas ut habeant, non ut restituant, nisi in fine, adveniente mortis amaritudine, sicut sangui - fol 128^va - suga repleta evomit sanguinem superposito sale.’ Ibid fol 128^rb/^va.

³⁶ ‘Sunt etiam divitie celestes . . . Non sunt autem hee divitie quales mundane . . .’ Ibid fol 120^va.

³⁷ ‘temporales enim sicut fantastice epule comedentes fallunt et inanes dimittunt.’ Ibid.

³⁸ Gen 13:2.

³⁹ ‘Distribuuntur cum pietate. II. Reg. xix. Berzellai prebuit alimenta regi cum moraretur in castris. Fuit enim vir dives nimis. Nunc enim Christus peregrinatur in pauperibus velud in castris.’ BN MS lat 15943 fol 126^va.

⁴⁰ ‘Gregorius: Divitie sicut impedimenta sunt in improbis [sunt in improbis cod. sunt improb.] ita in bonis sunt adiumenta virtutis.’ Ibid fol 126^va. I have not traced the quotation.

⁴¹ ‘Aurum enim et argentum nec bonos nec malos faciunt, sed usus eorum bonus est, abusio mala. Sollicitudo [cod Sollicito?] peior. Questus turpior’. Ibid fol 126^rb.

⁴² ‘Quedam enim negotia ex sui natura sunt inhonesta et illicita, ut usura, fornicatio, et huiusmodi’. Ibid fol 133^ra.

⁴³ ‘Aliquando est negotia ‘tio’ illicita ex natura rei que emitur vel venditur, ut si quis talia vendat vel emat que ad nullum usum humanum possunt esse necessaria preter quam ad peccatum, . . .’ Ibid.

⁴⁴ ‘quedam ex adiuncto, ut venditio et emptio : licet in se sint licite, tamen ex causa sunt illicite quando fiunt ex cupiditate, et quando animam involvunt nimia curarum anxietate . . .’. Ibid. Guibert makes a similar statement of principle later in the sermon: ‘Non est simpliciter negotiatio dampnanda : sicut enim dicit Cassiodorus : Actus pessimus non res honesta dampnatur; sicut divitem legimus non introire regnum celorum, cum tamen Abraham, Iacob, Iob, David fuerint divites.’ Ibid fol 133^va. Compare Le Goff, J., ‘Métier et profession d’après les manuels de confesseurs au moyen âge’. Beiträge zum Berufsbewusstsein des mittelalterlichen Menschen, ed Wilpert, P., Miscellanea Mediaevalia, 3 (Berlin 1964) pp 44–60 Google Scholar, esp p 58.

⁴⁵ ‘bonus negotiator Christus et viri iusti; malus negotiator dyabolus et viri iniusti.’ BN MS lat 1 5943 fol 130^ra.

⁴⁶ Rosenwein and Little p 23 (with further refs), and p 32: ‘The friars negotiated the Gospel without using money, thus exercising commerce as truly Christian merchants.’

⁴⁷ ‘. . . Secure autem accomodat ille usurarius, quia bonum vadium habet, scilicet peccatoris animam; et bonum plegium: dei iustitiam; et bonum cyrographum, quod ei scriptum dedimus de sanguine animarum nostrarum cum peccavimus; per que certus est dyabolus quod nisi vadium suum redimat peccator ante mortem suam, scilicet antequam divisio nundinarum fiat et clametur: “Hale! Hale!” secundum modum gallicorum vadium suum erit in perpetuum. Ultimo cum debitorem suum nudum spoliaverit et videat quod ille solvere non possit, sicut fit in nundinis [cod mundinis] seculi, gibetum sive patibulum erigitur et peccator ibi suspenditur. Tune lacrimas inefficaces emittit, quod totum perdidit, et ad civitatem in qua iterato negotiari valeat redire non poterit.’ BN MS lat 15943 fol 132^rb/va.

⁴⁸ Compare Analecta Novissima: Spicilegii Solesmensis Altera Continuatio, ed Pitra, J.B, 2, Tusculana (republ 1967 by the Gregg Press Ltd) p 432 Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ ‘Advocatus igitur noster [cod videtur] in hoc ministerio Christus. Iudex: pater deus; locus iuris: patibulum crucis; res postulata: ecclesia de gentibus conversa; nomen actionis: petitio hereditatis’. BN MS lat 15943 fol 91^ra.

⁵⁰ ‘Tandem scaraliticium mundissime carnis sue purpureo sanguine suo tinctum pro redimendis animabus nostris dedit.’ Ibid fol 130^ra.