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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
This essay is intended as a contribution to the history of the revival and resurgence of Catholicism in the sixteenth century. The debates about this topic that have arisen since 1945 have mostly concerned either the nature and importance of Evangelism (where the most important views are those of Jedin, Simoncelli and Mayer), or the relative importance of the Inquisition and the Council of Trent in reforming the Church and responding to the Protestant threat (a debate which first pitted the views of Firpo against those of Jedin, and then, with particular reference to Cardinal Pole, those of Mayer against both of these). Whereas the focus in the above debates has usually been on developments in religion and politics at the top of the Church, the intention in this essay is to concentrate instead on issues of reform as they were faced by perhaps the most influential mendicant order of the period. The sixteenth-century Dominicans did indeed have their impact on high politics as the argument below will show, but they were also very influential at local level and in the universities.
1 See, for instance, the following: Jedin, H., A History of the Council of Trent, trans. Graf, E., 2 vols (London, 1957 and 1961); Simoncelli, P., Evangelismo itaiiano: Questione religiosa e nicodemismo politico (Rome, 1979)Google Scholar; Firpo, M. and Marcatto, D., eds, Il Processo inquisitoriale del cardinal Giovanni Morone, 6 vols in 7 (Rome, 1981–95); Mayer, T., Reginald Pole: Prince and Prophet (Cambridge, 2000)Google Scholar.
2 First published at Hagenau in 1515 and 1516, and at Basel 1517.
3 See Polizzotto, L., The Elect Nation: the Savonarolan Movement in Florence 1494–1543 (Oxford, 1994)Google Scholar, which considers all these matters in detail.
4 In Lucala Noctis (1405). I have used the following edition: Hunt, E., ed., Iohannis Dominici Lucula noctis (Notre Dame, IN, 1940)Google Scholar.
5 His attacks on the paganizing art of Florence in his day are a commonplace among historians of the period.
6 In the ‘Claves Duae’ 1543, Catarino condemned the humanist critique of the Scriptures on the grounds of style. See Ambrosius Catharinus Politus, Claves Duae ad aperiendas Sacras Scripturas (Lyons, 1543), 17–27.
7 From the 1564 Roman Index onwards, the Roman Indices condemned only those works of Erasmus that criticized fundamental features of the doctrine and practice of the Church. See Index Librorum Prohibitorum (Lyons, 1564), 23.
8 Polizzotto, L., ‘The Making of a Saint: the Canonization of St Antonino, 1516–1523’, Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 22 (1992), 353–81 Google Scholar.
9 Firpo, M. and Simoncelli, P., l Processi Inquisitoriali contro Savonarola (1558) e Camesecchi (1566–1567): una Proposta di Interpretazione, Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa 18 (1982), 200–52 Google Scholar.
10 St Philip Neri (1515–95), for instance, was strongly influenced by Savonarola.
11 Polizzotto, , Elect Nation, 165–7 Google Scholar. I know of no Italian example of a Dominican heretic, though of course in Germany Martin Bucer was a Dominican from 1506–21.
12 Bujanda, J. M. de, et al., Index de Rome, 1537, 1559, 1564: les premiers index romains et l’index du Concile de Trent, Centre d’études de la Renaissance, Editions de l’Université de Sherbrooke (Sherbrooke, Que., 1990), 29 Google Scholar.
13 The Renaissance ‘studia humanitatis’ were grammar, rhetoric, literary studies, history and moral philosophy, but not theology.
14 Hughes, Philip, The Church in Crisis: a History of the General Councils: 325–1870 (Garden City, NY, 1961), available at: http://mb-soft.com/believe/txs/trent.htm Google Scholar.
15 Julius III, 1550–5.
16 See Preston, P., ‘Cardinal Cajetan and Fra Ambrosius Catharinus in the Controversy over the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin in Italy, 1515–51’, in Swanson, R. N., ed., The Church and Mary, SCH 3 9 (Woodbridge, 2004), 181–90 Google Scholar.
17 Another sixteenth-century Dominican saint was Caterina Ricci (1522–90), canonized in 1746.
18 Turner, William, ‘Scholasticism’, Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 13 (New York, 1912), available at: http://www.newadvent.irg/cathen/13548a.htm Google Scholar
19 Schatzel, Walter, ed. and trans., De indis recenter inventis et de iure belli Hispanorum in barbaros (Tubingen, 1952)Google Scholar.
20 See Carro, Venancio D., ‘The Spanish Theological-Juridical Renaissance and the Ideology of Bartolomé de Las Casas’, in Friede, J. and Keen, B., eds, Bartolomé de Las Casas in History: Toward an Understanding of the Man and His Works (DeKalb, IL, 1971), 237–77 Google Scholar.
21 Sociability and government were natural to man, but the mode of government was at the discretion of the people concerned.
22 See Sepúlveda, Juan Ginés de, 1490–1573’, available at: http://www.centrocisneros.uah.es/galpersons.asp?pag=personajes&id=103 Google Scholar
23 In Tratatio sobre las justas causas de la guerra’ where his main argument relies on Aristotle, ‘Polities’, Book I, which discusses ‘natural slavery’.
24 One of them was Domingo de Soto, another Salamanca professor, who was in fact a disciple of Vitoria. De Soto had himself written various works on the Indian question, and was therefore well qualified to offer his opinion to the Royal Council.
25 For a discussion of the Valladolid Juntas 15 50–1, see Heredia, V. Beltran de, Domingo de Soto: estudio biografico documentatio (Madrid, 1961)Google Scholar, ch. 6.