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Problems Arising from the Conversion of Syria

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

W. Liebeschuetz
W. Liebeschuetz*
Affiliation:
University of Leicester
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Extract

It is the aim of this paper to ask questions rather than to answer them. The area with which I am concerned is a strip of central Syria extending from the Euphrates in the north to Baalbek (ancient Heliopolis) in the south. This region has a large number of village-remains from late antiquity, some of them exceptionally well preserved. These remains have yielded a large number of inscriptions, of which a significant proportion bears a date. They are being collected in the volumes of the Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie. Seven volumes have appeared.

The inscriptions start in the early empire and continue to the end of the sixth century. They thus start in pagan times and cover the whole development of Syrian Christianity. Only a few of the Christian inscriptions come from the great cities of Syria, for example Antioch, Aleppo [Beroea], the ancient Apamea, or Horns [Emesa]. They do not therefore throw light on the development of urban Christianity, which at Antioch especially was of great importance, and of long standing. The development reflected by the inscriptions is the conversion of the countryside.

Type
Research Article
Information
Studies in Church History , Volume 16: The Church in Town and Countryside , 1979 , pp. 17 - 24
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1979

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References

1 IGLS.

2 See list of dated inscriptions IGLS 4, pp 375-8.

3 Isolated early Christian inscriptions from territory of Antioch: IGLS nos 393-5 (272/3), from Aradus: ibid no 4042 (287).

4 Start of the Christian series after Constantine’s conquest: IGLS nos 594 (326), 600 (335), 443 (336/7), 518 (341/2), 596 (349), 396 (349/50), 542-3 (351). The series continues without break until c600.

5 In my opinion the negative evidence of inscriptions outweighs the plausible inferences from a few literary passages on the basis of which A. von Harnack concluded that rural Christianity was significant even before Constantine. See Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums, 2 (Leipzig 1906) p 279.

6 Some evidence on urban Christianity in Devréese, R., Le patriarcat de Antioche depuis la paix de l’église jusqu’à la conquête Arabe (Paris 1945) caps 8, 11 Google Scholar.

7 Jones, A.H. M., Constantine and the Conversion of Europe (London 1949) pp 237-9Google Scholar.

8 For the evidence see my paper ‘Epigraphic Evidence [on the Christianisation of Syria’], Akten des XI internationalen LimesKongresses, Székesfehérvar, ed Fitz, J. (Budapest 1978) pp 485–505 Google Scholar.

9 Paradoxically the Maronites seem to have been comparatively late arrivals in the territory in which they have maintained their identity so vigorously ever since. Their early history is still very obscure. See article ‘Maron’, DACL 10, cols 2188-203; Vailhé, S., ‘Les origines religieuses des Maronites,’ EO 4 (Paris 1900) pp 96–103 Google Scholar, 154-62; Salibi, K. S., ‘The Maronites of Lebanon under Frankish and Mamluk Rule (1099-1516)’, Arabica (Leiden 1957) pp 288–303 Google Scholar.

10 Festugière, A. J., Antioche paienne et chrétienne (Paris 1959) pp 311-13Google Scholar. Tchalenko, [G.], Villages [antiques de la Syrie du nord], 3 vols (Paris 1953-8) 1, pp 145-82Google Scholar.

11 Libanius, Or. 30, Pro Templis. See also Fowden, G., ‘Bishops and Temples in the Eastern Empire,’ JTS 29 (1978) pp 53–78 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 Sozomen, , HE 6, 34 Google Scholar.

13 Voûte, [P. H. E.], [‘Chronique de fouilles et prospections en Syrie de 1965 à 1970’], Anatolica 14 (Istanbul 1971-2) pp 83–137 Google Scholar, relevant pp 92-3.

14 For references see my ‘Epigraphic Evidence’.

15 Pallas, D. I., ‘Investigation sur les monuments chrétiens de Grèce avant Constantin,’ Cahiers Archéologiques 24 (Paris 1975) pp 1–19 Google Scholar. The pre-Constantinian evidence is very thin. Leglay, M., Saturne Africain (Paris 1966)Google Scholar is very informative on the epigraphic evidence for the last stages of paganism and the beginnings of Christianity.

16 Cumon, F., Les inscriptions chrétiennes de l’Asie Mineure (Rome 1895)Google Scholar. Calder, [W. M.], ‘Early Christian Epitaphs from Phrygia,’ Anatolian Studies 5 (London 1955) pp 27–38 Google Scholar; Calder, , ‘Philadelphia and Montanism,’ BJRL 8 (1923) pp 309-54Google Scholar.

17 Tchalenko, , Villages 1, esp pp 404-21Google Scholar. Bowder, D., The Age of Constantine and Julian (London 1978) p 144 Google Scholar stresses that the economy of the plateau involved its population in close contact with the Christian population of Antioch.

18 In North Africa too rural conversion took place in combination with economic development based on the production of olive oil. Both happened earlier in Africa. See Frend, W.H.C., The Donatist Church (Oxford 1952) pp 42-8Google Scholar.

19 Lassus, J., Inventaire archéologique de la région au nord-est de Hama (Beirut 1935)Google Scholar.

20 Seyrig, H., ‘Caractère de l’histoire d’Émèse, Syria 36 (Paris 1959) pp 184-92Google Scholar. Sullivan, R., ‘The dynasty of Emesa,’ in Temporini, H., Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, 2, pt 8 (Berlin 1978) pp 198–219 Google Scholar is pure political and military history but cites literature.

21 Yonah, M. Avi, ‘The Economics of Byzantine Palestine,’ Israel Exploration Journal 8 (Jerusalem 1958) pp 39–51 Google Scholar. Gichon, S. A. M., ‘Roman Frontier Cities in the Negev,’ Acts of the 6th International Congress of Limes Studies (Zagreb 1961) pp 195–207 Google Scholar. Paret, R., ‘Les villes de Syrie du sud et les routes commerciales d’Arabie à la fin du Vie siècle,’ Akten des XI internationalen Byzantinisten Kongresses (Munich 1960) pp 438-44Google Scholar.

22 Harper, G. M., ‘Village Administration in the Roman Province of Syria,’ Yale Classical Studies 1 (1928) pp 103-68Google Scholar.

23 Goodchild, R., Libyan Studies (London 1977) pp 8–9 Google Scholar, 92, 255-6. Johnson, A. C. and West, L. C., Byzantine Egypt: Economic Studies (Princeton 1949) p 32 Google Scholar concluded that Egypt was prosperous.

24 Jones, A. H. M., The Later Roman Empire (Oxford 1964) 2, p 823 Google Scholar.

25 Brown, P., ‘The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity,’ JRS 61 (1971) pp 80–101 Google Scholar. Interference with tax collection: Theodoret, Hist Rel 17 PG 82 (1864) col 1413 Google Scholar.

26 Wipsycka, E., Les resources et les activités économiques des églises en Égypte du IVe au VIIIe siècle (Brussels 1972) p 37 Google Scholar.

27 Claude, D., Die byzantinische Stadt (Munich 1969)Google Scholar. Kirsten, E., Die byzantinische Stadt, Berichte zum XI internationalen Byzantinisten Kongress 1958 (Munich 1958)Google Scholar.

28 Tchalenko, , Villages 1, p 178 Google Scholar; 2, plate 51.

29 He is extending his survey year by year though the material has not yet been published. See Voûte p 85.

30 Frend, W. H. C., The Rise of the Monophysite Movement (Cambridge 1972) pp 223-9Google Scholar and map on pp 250-1. In the city of Antioch itself monophysites were never a majority. See Downey, G., A History of Antioch in Syria (Princeton 1961) p 510 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31 Passages like Theophanes, sa 6003, pp 153.29-154.2; Evagrius, , HE 3, 32 Google Scholar; Mansi, 8, pp 42.5-9, 1130-8; Collectio Avellana (CSEL 35) esp p 139; Michael the Syrian, 1, cols 270-4 show that the monasteries of Syria II acting collectively were Chalcedonian. But Tchalenko, , Villages 21 Google Scholar, plate 153 shows that at least some of the monasteries on the Apamean side of the limestone plateau were monophysite.

32 A mass sis s 6e¿S material, mainly Christian, but also pagan and Jewish, has been assembled in Peterson, [E.], ΕΙΣ ΘΕΟΣ], Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des alten und neuen Testaments, NF 24 (Göttingen 1926)Google Scholar. See also the indices of the volume of IGLS.

33 Oesterley, W. O. E. and Box, G. E., The Religion and Worship of the Synagogue (London 1911) pp 447-9Google Scholar, 454 seq. On the Shema prayer see ibid pp 364 seq, 432, 477 seq.

34 Jerome Vir illustr 3; Kelly, J. N. D., Jerome His Life Writings and Controversies (London 1975) p 65 Google Scholar.

35 Segal, J. B., Edessa, the Blessed City (Oxford 1970) p 100 Google Scholar; Drijvers, H. J. W., ‘Edessa und das jüdische Christentum,’ Vigiliae Christianae 24 (Amsterdam 1970) pp 4–33 Google Scholar.

36 IGLS 4 (regions of Apamea and Laodicca) has twenty-five inscriptions; IGLS 5 (Hama and Homs) has six. IGLS 6 (Baalbek) has none; IGLS 7 (Aradus) has one.

37 Peterson p 27 nos 70-1, no 72 is in the Golan.

38 Ibid pp 28-37, nos 74-85.

39 For the date see Frend, W. H. C., Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church (Oxford 1965) p 177 n 116 Google Scholar. Eusebius, HE 3, 5 Google Scholar. Epiphanius, Haer 18, 1 Google Scholar; 29.7. Origen debated the pre-existence and independent hypostasis of the Son with bishops at Bostra : Eusebius, , HE 6, 33 Google Scholar. See Coulton, J. E. and Chadwick, H., Alexandrine Christianity, (London 1954) p 430 Google Scholar.

40 Peterson, pp 37-40, nos 86-91.

41 Kraeling, C. H., Dura Europos: Final Report, 8, pt 2 (Yale 1956) p 95 Google Scholar; Baur, P. V. C., Rostovtzeff, M. I., Bellinger, A. R., Dura Europos: Preliminary Report 4 (Yale 1923) p 150 nos 291-2Google Scholar.

42 Peterson has only two sixth century inscriptions from the Syrian area : nos 6 and 30.

43 Peterson p 275.

44 Lefebure, G. L., Recueil des inscriptions grècques chrétiennes d’Égypte (Cairo 1907)Google Scholar.

45 Peterson p 76.

46 Peterson has also assembled a good deal of non epigraphic material including evidence bearing on the Jewish and pagan use of the formula.

47 The formula was used in popular acclamations against bishop Ibas at Edessa: Flemming, J., Akten der ephesinischen Synode vom Jahre 449, AAWG, PhK, ns 15 (1917) pp 15 Google Scholar, 17, 41. It was used by bishops in acclamation at the council of Constantinople : Mansi 8, pp 49a, 1083; also at Chalcedon: ibid 7 pp 49, 1087, 1091.

48 Simon, [M.], [Verus Israel] (Paris 1948) p 357, n 2 Google Scholar cites Epiphanius, , Haer 1, 30, 12 Google Scholar where the defeat of Jewish magic by the name of Jesus and the sign of the cross is acclaimed: ε!ΐ 6eós ó βοηθων TOIS Xpio-riavots

On the use of the formula in apocryphal Acts of apostles and in hagiography to acclaim the marvellous divine power revealed by a miracle see Peterson pp 183-8.

49 See Simon pp 220, 356-93.

50 See also his interesting suggestions in Els θεό$ in der sepulkralen Epigraphik,’ Zeitschrift für Katholische Theologie 58 (Vienna 1934) pp 400-2 and ‘Jüdisches und christliches Morgengebeet in Syrien,’ ibid pp 110-43. The latter, based on a passage in the Acts of the martyr Romanus, ed Delehaye, H., An Bol 50 (1932) pp 241 seq Google Scholar, see esp p 256, suggests that our formula was part of a morning prayer in use in Syria.