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Orthodoxy, Enlightenment and Religious Revival

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

W. R. Ward*
Affiliation:
University of Durham

Extract

Everyone has his favourite squibs to illuminate the animosity of the devotees of the Christian application of modern knowledge towards the partisans of religious revival. R. B. Aspland, the unitarian, summed them all up succinctly in the early nineteenth century in his case against Wesleyanism. ‘Wine’, he declared, ‘is the beverage of the gentleman, spirits of the herd. So with religion’. Something of this edge had been there from the beginning, long before attitudes had been struck and the French Revolution had become a divider of spirits everywhere. Much of the fascination of the Turretini correspondence is provided by the conscious sense of intellectual superiority of the Swiss fathers of rational orthodoxy. ‘We are here much occupied with the scandalous affairs of Toggenburg’, writes Jean Gaspard Escher with an almost audible turn of the nose. ‘These are mountain people rather like Vaudois, Miquelets or Camisards’, and their murderous politics were of the Ulster variety. Neither the Toggenburgers, nor the Vaudois or Camisards were part of the history of religious revival, but they were very like Protestant minorities from Central Europe who were; the Salzburgers, for example. ‘The majority of these men’, writes Escher of the latter, ‘can neither read nor write; their fundamental doctrine is that worship is due to God alone and that salvation is by Jesus Christ. This doctrine fills them with a horror of popery: . . . they are ill-instructed in the other articles of religion. They know by heart some fine passages of scripture and some Lutheran hymns to which they hold’. Pastorally, if not confessionally, the mountain men were a different cup of tea from the practitioners of polite learning; but as late as 1800 it was possible to turn American methodists and baptists out in droves to vote for the deist Jefferson, and it is the purpose of this paper to suggest that the fate of the revivalist and that of the men of enlightenment was more closely linked at an early stage than the text-book categories usually suggest.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1981

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References

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2 Lettres [inédites addressées à J. A.] Ttirretini, ed Bude, E.de, 4 vols (Paris/Geneva 1887) 2 P23 Google Scholar.

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4 Ibid 1 p 157: 2 pp 92-3, 120.

5 Ibid 1 p 302.

6 Ibid 1 p 340.

7 Ibid 2 p 50.

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9 Lettres Turretini 2 p ni. It is entertaining to see the catholic enlightenment coming back to this point after catholics had wrought havoc for generations in the name of a strict confessionalism. A report made to Joseph II in 1771 after a tour of the old protestant territories of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia, declared that ‘there is a great lack of education in all your majesty’s hereditary lands and in the real Christian and moral virtues; the mob lives in the greatest ignornace, the townsmen and many who regard themselves as pious souls are held in a really tasteless and superstitious piety, which brings religion to breakup and scorn, through the ignorant clergy, overstocked in these towns, who give occasion to petty devotions partly from self-interest, partly from their own stupidity.’ Aus der Zeit Maria Theresias. Tagebuch des Fürsten Johann Josef Khevenhüller-Metsch, 1742-1776, ed KhevenhüUer- Metsch, Rudolf Graf and Schlitter, Hans, 7 vols (Vienna 1907-25 7 p 381 Google Scholar. Cited below as KhevenhüUer Tagebuch.

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17 The reality of these fears is in no way diminished by the fact that the catholics in the empire continually harrowed themselves (and kept their party together) by fears that the protestant party was about to capture the Imperial dignity itself. On this see Duchardt, Heinz, Protestantisches Kaisertum und altes Reich (Wiesbaden 1977)Google Scholar. For Habsburg use of an alleged plot to subvert the catholic estates of the empire, see Khevenhüiler Tagebuch 2 pp 382-3.

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25 An interesting report on all this was subsequently prepared for Turretini, lettres Turretini 3 pp 375-82.

26 On the whole question see Karl, Borgmann, Der deutsche ReUgionsstre’U der Jahre 1711/20.Abhandlungen der mittleren und neuren Geschichte. Heft 80 (Berlin 1937)Google Scholar. Andreas Biederbick, ‘Der deutsche Reichstag zu Regensburg im Jahrzehnt nach dem Spanischen Erbfolgkrieg, 1714-24. Der Verlauf der Religionsstreitigkeiten und ihre Bedeutung für den Reichstag’, Diss, University of Bonn (1937).

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37 In Baumgarten’s rational orthodoxy Hobbes was promoted to the rank of ‘indifferentist’, since he permitted the sovereign to require not merely conformity, but conscientious adherence, by his subjects, to the religion he prescribed, Ibid p 107.

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47 Benthcm, Henrich Ludolfi, Nen-eroffneter Engla’ndischer Kirch- und Schulenstaat.. . nebst einer Vor-Rede Hern. Consislorial-Rat und Generai-Superint. Mentzers in Hannover (Leipzig 1732) preface paras 910 Google Scholar. An obituary of Bentham who died 9 July 1723 is given in Unschuldige Nachrichten 1723 pp 838-9.

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54 This matter and the whole question of Anglo-Swiss participation in the much-canvassed protestant front in the war of the Spanish Succession is discussed by Dr Eamon Duffy in a paper contributed to Professor C. W. Dugmore’s Festschrift and kindly made available before publication, ‘ “Correspondence Fraternelle” : the SPCK, the SPG and the churches of Switzerland in the War of the Spanish Succession’.

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63 The role of protestant embassy-chaplains as smugglers of forbidden literature may explain the curious fact that though prospective clergy were as a class debarred from the scholarships endowed to support the new Regius Professors of Modern History of Oxford and Cambridge in 1724, three scholarships were reserved for ordinands willing to serve as embassy-chaplains. Sykes, N., Edmund Gibson, Bishop of London 1669-1748 (London 1926) p 96 Google Scholar.

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