² Most recently [P.] Contamine, [La guerre au moyen âge] (Paris 1980) pp 465-8. For a recent Waldensian account see [G. Gonnet and A.] Molnar, [Les Vauãois au moyen åge] (Turin 1974) pp 179-80.

³ PL 210 col 394. On Alain’s treatise see M.-T. d’Alverny, Alain de Lille. Textes inédits (Paris 1965) pp 156 and n 1, 160-1; Thouzellier, [C], [Catharisme et Valdéisme en Languedoc] (Paris 1966) pp 81–3, 94-106Google Scholar. The date late 1180s/early 1190s is suggested by Selge, [K.-V.], [Die ersten Waldenser, Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte 37], 2 vols (Berlin 1967) I p 132 n 10.Google Scholar

⁴ Ibid pp 156-7.

⁵ For example, the anonymous Manifestatio (cl200-9) ed A. Dondaine, AFP 29 (1959) p 271; from Cİ213-8 the [Hysteria Alhigensis by Peter of] Vaux-Cernay [edd P. Guébin and E. Lyon. 3 vols (Paris 1926-39)] I pp 18-19, III p 7. The earliest attribution to the cathars is Ebrard of Béthune, Liber Antiheresis, M[axima] B[ibliotheca] V[eterum] P[atrum ed M. de La Bignè 28 vols (Lyons, Geneva 1677, 1707)] 24 cols 1556-8; date probably pre-1212, M.-H. Vicaire, ‘“Contra Judaeos” méridionaux au début du xiii^e siècle. Alain de Lille, Evrard de Béthune, Guillaume de Bourges’, CaF 12 (1977) pp 274-8. The chapter on killing in the Waldensian anti-Cathar treatise, Liber anliheresis (ed Selge 2 pp 252-7) relates to God’s alleged contradictoriness in ordering and not ordering killing, not to Cathar rejection of killing, and is a later addition (Thouzellier p 271), and is thus not evidence for early Cathar holding of the doctrine.

⁶ PL 210 cols 394-8.

⁷ Curschmann, F., Hungersnöte im Mittelalter, Leipziger Studien aus dem Gebiet der Geschichte 5, I (Leipzig 1900) p 158.Google Scholar

⁸ Grundmann, H., ‘Rotten und Brabanzonen—Söldner-Heere im 12. Jahrhundert’, DA 5 (1942) pp 428–34.Google Scholar

⁹ [Pseudo-] David [of Augsburg, De inquisitione hereticorum ed W. Preger, ABAW PhK 14, 2 (1876)] p 217. See also the Pseudo-Reinerius treatise, ed. [J.] Gretser, [MBPV 25 (1677)] col 273. The first recension of this treatise is studied in [A.] Patschovsky, [Der Passauer Anonymus. Ein Sammelwerk über Ketzer, Juden, Antichrist aus der Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts, MOH Schriften 22] (Stuttgart 1968) and the second in [M.A.E.] Nickson, [’The “Pseudo-Reinerius” treatise, the final stage of a thirteenth-century work on heresy from the diocese of Passau’, Archives d’histoire doctrinale et litteraire du moyen âge 42 (1967)] pp 285-314; the two recensions are not distinguished in the present paper.

¹⁰ [Anecdotes historiques ď]Étienne de Bourbon [ed A. Lecoy de la Marche (Paris 1887)] p 280.

¹¹ William of Puylaurens, Chronica ed J. Beyssier, Méhnges d’histoire du moyen âge 18 (1904) p 120.

¹² G. Courvreur, Les pauvres ont-ils des droits? Recherches sur le vol en cas d’extrême nécessité depuis la ‘Concordia’ de Cratian (1140) jusqu’à Guillaume d’Auxene (1231), Analecta Gregoriana 3 (Rome, Paris 1961) pp 148 ff; another example of impact on contemporaries, the story of a starving man stealing in order to be hanged in a letter of Peter of Blois cl 196-8, ibid pp 9-10.

¹³ Baldwin, [J.], [Masters Princes and Merchants, The social views of Peter the Chanter and his circle 2 vols (Princeton 1970)] I pp 321–2.Google Scholar

¹⁴ These notes are given in the absence of a modern edition. a. Gratian’s Decretum. PL 210 col 394 : Deum . . . peribit (see C 23 q 5 pars I); Item . . . voluntatem (ibid C I). Cols 394-5: Poena . . . commendendam (c 2); Col 395: Quod. . . apparebit (ibid); Ex . . . necari (c 3); Cregorius . . . fiat (c7); similiter. . . unitatem (see q 4 C 38 and q 5 C 7 pars 2). Alain’s counter-polemic col 398: miles . . . jussus (c 5 C 13); unde . . . consilium (C 8); cols 398-9: Hieronymus. . . agere (C 28-9, C 31, C 41 bis, C 40). b. Glossa ordinaria. Col 395: Augustinus . . . veritatem (see the glossa on 2 Kings 17:22, and Peter the Chanter in Baldwin 2 pp 215-6); De Judaeis . . . nostrae (see the glossa on Psalms 40:14, and Thomas of Chobham, Summa Confessorum ed Broomfield, F., Analecta Mediaevalia Namurcensia 25 (Louvain, Paris 1968) p 434 Google Scholar). c. Roman law. Col 396: licet . . . tutelae (on this Roman law tag see Russell, F.H., The Just War in the Middle Ages (Cambridge 1975) p 42).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Selge 1 p 158 n 85.

¹⁶ See quotations in fourteenth-century Waldensian texts edited in [P.P.A.] Biller, [’Aspects of the Waldenses in the Fourteenth Century’ (Oxford D. Phil thesis, 1974)] pp 268-9, 279-81, 287, 291, 294-5.

¹⁷ Developments during and after the Hussite period in general lie outside the range of this paper; see n 28.

¹⁸ Biller pp 27-80.

¹⁹ Chayter, [H.J.], [Six Vaudois Poems (Cambridge 1930)] p 68.Google Scholar

²⁰ [Les] Troubadours [ed Nelli, R. and Lavaud, R. 2 vols (Brussels 1960-6)] 2 p 1070.Google Scholar

²¹ Chaytor pp 20, 93.

²² Contamine pp 467-8.

²³ [Le registre d’inquisition de Jacques] Foumier [évêque de Pamiers (1318-1325), Bibliothèque Meridionale, Third series 41 3 vols (Toulouse 1965)] I p 120. In numerous hearings (Aug 9 1319-Jan 16 1320) Raymond gave ground. On the latter date he presented his (by then modified) view on capital punishment as that also of fellow Brothers (p 76). However, the Brother who taught Raymond, John of Lorraine (pp 99-100), also taught the credens Uguette, who described his teaching as absolute prohibition of killing (p 522).

²⁴ Moneta [of Cremona, Adversus Catharos et Valdenses ed T. Ricchini (Rome 1743)] p 2.

²⁵ Ibid pp 508-46.

²⁶ Ibid pp 537, 544. This is paralleled in [Salvo] Burci, [Liber supra Stella], ed [I. von] DöUinger, [Beiträge гиг Sektengeschichte Jes Mittelalters 2 vols (Munich 1890)] I p 69. See Molnar, A., ‘Romani 13 nella interpretazione della prima Riforma’ Protestantesimo 24 (1969) pp 65–76.Google Scholar

²⁷ Moneta p 530.

²⁸ [V.] Vinay, [Le confessione di feie dei Valdesi riformati Collana della facoltà Valdese di teologia 12 (Turin 1975)] pp 56, 58. See however the comment of [Claude de] Seysell, [Aduersus mores et sectam Valdensium (Paris 1520)]f 87^v: (concerning killing) Neque ipsi tam late defendant. See also Cegna, R., ‘Per uno studio della genesi ideologica della violenza nel Valdismo Ussita in Piemonte’, Bollettino detta società di Studi Valdesi 138 (1975) pp 15–54.Google Scholar

²⁹ Nickson p 296.

³⁰ For example, Étienne de Bourbon, p 296; (c1241) Moneta p 531; (cl260-70) Anselm of Alexandria, Tractatus de haereticis ed A. Dondaine, AFP 20 (1950) p 319; (late fourteenth century) Gretser p 309; (1395) [W.] Preger, [’Beiträge zur Geschichte der Waldesier im Mittelalter’, ABA W PhK 13/1 (1877)] p 73.

³¹ Étienne de Bourbon p 296.

³² Gretser p 309.

³³ Preger p 245; see also Nickson p 297.

³⁴ Burci ed Döllinger 2 p 72.

³⁵ Moneta p 513.

³⁶ Ibid p 397.

³⁷ Gretser p 273.

³⁸ See above and n 33.

³⁹ [Paris Bibliothèque Nationale Collection] Doat 25 f 199^r. The poem, by Guilhem Figueira, is in Troubadours 2 pp 804-14; note especially verses 2, 7-10.

⁴⁰ See, for example, the difficulty over oaths at the beginning of Agnes Franco’s trial (1319), and the predominance of oaths in the subsequent doctrinal discussion, Fournier I pp 123-7.

⁴¹ Seysell f87^v.

⁴² [Quellen zur Kelzergeschichte Brandenburgs und Pommerns ed D.] Kurze, [Veröffentlichungen der historischen Kommission zu Berlin 45, Quellenwerke 6 (Berlin, New York 1975)] p 83 (general); pp 117, 120, 124, 150,173, 202, 203, 210, 231, 259 (judicial).

⁴³ Ibid p 74.

⁴⁴ The trial is in Röhrich, [T.W.], [Miltheilungen aus der Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche des Elsasses 3 vols (Strasbourg 1855)] 1 pp 43–4 Google Scholar. It should be noted that the local community had killed a defecting Brother; see n 80.

⁴⁵ Ibid pp 46, 74, and Kurze pp 81, 89.

⁴⁶ Toulouse [Bibliothèque Municipale Ms] 609 f 249^v.

⁴⁷ Preger p 249. See the same inquisitor’s observations of stupidity in particular credentes he questioned, Kurze pp 232, 245.

⁴⁸ Early literary references to the Sisters preaching are supplemented by their appearances in early French trials, a. Probably Castelnaudary, probably early, when Valdenses stabant publice in terra (Toulouse 609 f 96^r): a credens staying with Sisters c 4 years; they taught (f 96⁴). b. Castelnaudary c 1205, ibid f 252^v. c Narbonne c1225, visiting house, ibid f 251^r d. Pradellas c1226, a Sister induced her brother verbis suis el monilionibus to become a Waldensian Brother, Doat 23 f 139^r. e. Lautrec c1227, preaching in a smith’s house, Doat 22 f 77^r. f. Castres c1237-9, Toulouse 609 f 248^v, 249^r-v, 250^r Gourdon pre-1241, lodged, Doat 21 f 204^r; f 207^v. h. Montcuq pre-1241, Doat 21 f 222^v; renting a house for 2 years, f 219^r; f 221^r-v. i. Montauban pre-1241, Doat 21 f 222^v; preaching, f 222^v-3^r; renting house 138 for a year, and when visiting a credens’ house docebant quod non iuraret nee mentiretur, f 228^r-v; giving pacem, f 239^v; giving monitiones in a credens’ house, f 248^v; 253^v-4^r; one exponebat passionem Domini, f 281^r-2^v. References do not appear in those later trials up to the early sixteenth century which I have examined. Against the statement that women were no longer received into the Order by the early fourteenth century, M Schneider, Europäisches Waldensertum im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert, Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte 51 (Berlin, New York 1981) p 47, one may cite the formulae for reception of women into the Order mentioned in Strasbourg cl400 (Rohrich I pp 42-51) and a reference to them by two of the last medieval Brothers in 1530: ad quendam locum, ubi nonnullae nostrae mulierculae, quas dicimus sórores, agunt vitam in virginitate (Vinay p 38, see also p 46). Most probably the Verkirchlichung of the sect and growing conservatism made the Sisters become more like conventional female religious, in general excluded from pastoral activity. It is worth noting that the majority of references to the Sisters in trials come from female credentes.

⁴⁹ Doat 21 f 222^v.

⁵⁰ Ibid f 214^v, 217^v, 218^r, 222^v, 223^v 224^v(women); 216^v(man).

⁵¹ Kurze pp 120, 124, 150, 202, 203, 210, 259(women); 83, 117, 173 231(men).

⁵² Bernard of Fontcaude, Adversus Waldensium Sectam, PL• 204 col 821.

⁵³ Gretser p 263.

⁵⁴ Preger p 245.

⁵⁵ Fournier p 527.

⁵⁶ Kurze p 124; see also pp 202, 259.

⁵⁷ [II Vergier de Cunsollachn e altri scritti ed A.D.] Checchini, [Antichi Testi Valdesi I (Turin 1979)] pp 34-41.

⁵⁸ Paris Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms Lat 3375(1) f 245^r.

⁵⁹ peregrinan (as soldiers?) . . . ultra mare dissuadent, Nickson p 302.

⁶⁰ Kurze p 204. The equivocations of the credens (ibid pp 203-5) and conflicting testimony from other witnesses about whether he had ever confessed to a Brother (pp 178, 234) cast doubt on his faith, and suggests a question: was it partly the self-evidence of the fact that a genuine credens would not engage in military service that usually keeps this fact out of trial records?

⁶¹ An exhortation in a Waldensian epistle not to take disputes a li juge seglar (Checchini p 6) refers to withdrawal from secular jurisdiction; see also Vinay p 42.

⁶² (Pseudo)-Peter of Pilichdorf, Tractatus contra Waidenses ‘Cum dormirent homines’ ed J. Gretser MBVP 25 cols 293-4. See n 90 below.

⁶³ Ibid cols 289-90.

⁶⁴ Ibid cols 292-3.

⁶⁵ Thouzellier pp 216, 219, 225, 229-30, 234.

⁶⁶ Doat 21 f216^v

⁶⁷ Merlo, [G.G.], [Eretici e inquisitori nella società piemontese del trecento (Turin 1977)] p 171.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Fournier pp 170-1, 175. An execution could also present an unpacific picture in the bitterly violent last words of a condemned Waldensian—for example, si status noster non esset minoratus potestatem mortis quam exercetis contra nos modo exercuissemus contra vos omneš, and si quiete nostra fides . . . in suo robore perstitisset . . . earn . . . constitueramus manu valida defensare (Nickson pp 293, 308). Another ms of the latter; Michaelbeuern, Man Cart 85 f 125^V-6^V.

⁶⁹ Haskins, C.H., Studies in medieval Culture (Oxford 1929) p 250.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Quellen zur Böhmischen Inquisition im 14. Jahrhundert ed Patschovsky, A., MGH Quellen II (Weimar 1979) p 320 Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Étienne de Bourbon p 296.

⁷² Vaux-Cernay 3 pp xl-lxx.

⁷³ William of Auvergne, De Fide et Legibus (Paris 1469?) 5 v f 33^V-7^V. I take the one specification of Cathars (f 36^v), implicitly one among several groups of opponents, to indicate that William thought of several heretical groups or heretics in general opposing killing.

⁷⁴ Valois, N., Guillaume d’Auvergne. Évique de Paris (1228-1249). Sa vie et ses ouvrages (Paris 1880) p 326.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Vaux-Cernay 3 p xciii n 5.

⁷⁶ In a tract Utrum indoctus in Gerson, J., Opera Omnia ed Dupin, L.E., 5 vols (Antwerp 1706) I col 658Google Scholar. I owe this reference to Dr Robert Swanson.

⁷⁷ See Patschovsky and Nickson.

⁷⁸ Ed J. Gretser MBVP 25 cols 277-99.

⁷⁹ To add to mss listed in Patschovsky are: Karlsruhe 364² f 6^r-8^v (Döllinger I pp 702-3); and Harburg II 1 4° 4 f 129^ra-34^vb. And to those listed in Nickson: Würzburg Univ Lib, M ch f51 f 10^r-17^r, Salzburg St Peter’s, B 1 37 f 372^r-5^r; St Pölten, 83 f 53^v-84^r; Olomouc Statni Archiv, 224 f 225^ra-9^vb; Krakow Univ Lib, 1309 f257^rb-71^rb; it also exists in Brno Archiv, Mesta N 62 S 90 (text virtually irrecoverable through fire damage), and once existed in another ms whose contents are known via Brno City Archives, 7254 f 65^v.

⁸⁰ Krakow Univ Lib, ms 1309 f 257^rb-71^rb; marginalia throughout by Bartholonaeus of Jasio, M.A. (Prague)—information of Dr J. Baumgart, Dir. Krakow Univ. Lib.

⁸¹ Vienna Nat Lib, 2846, inside front cover. Thorns de Trenwach miles; on the family, Patschovsky p 13 n 54.

⁸² Biller pp 355-6.

⁸³ Gdansk, Mar F 294 f 203^v-26^v.

⁸⁴ Nickson p 264.

⁸⁵ Wroclaw, I Q 43 f 42^r-77^v.

⁸⁶ Olomouc State Archive, MC 57 f 157^ra-74^vb

⁸⁷ Gdansk, Mar F 295 f 19l^r-218^r.

⁸⁸ Prague Univ Lib, XIII E 5 f 152^v-82^v.

⁸⁹ Its dispersion must be set on a map which contains shades—the continuing dispersion of earlier literature, and the dispersion of near contemporary literature, both of which contained both the doctrine and notes on Waldensian violence (see below and n 91). Among later literature, however, the 1395 treatise stands out for its accuracy and popularity.

⁹⁰ Sources and authorship were examined in Bitier pp 354-62; a study is being prepared for publication. The last topic tackled in the treatise is the taking of oaths, usually in such treatises adjacent to the topic of killing. One might suggest the possibility that the treatise was never finished—broken off just before the treatment of killing.

⁹¹ See Merlo pp 150-2. Most references are given in Molnár pp 183-4; the attempt there to import some elements of revendications sociales is unconvincing, and the incidence of violence and the Brothers’ involvement are unduly minimised—see the planning of a killing of a renegade Brother in Strasbourg pre-1400 (Röhrich pp 43-4), and the norm implied by Brothers’ question to Oecolampadius in 1530, an liceat nobis, plebeculae noslrae cottsulere, ut interficiant falsos fratres proditores (Vinay p 44).

⁹² See, for example, the description of recent violence in a letter by the inquisitor Zwicker (1395), Preger p 246.

⁹³ Biller p 324.

⁹⁴ The suggestion here, and earlier in the paper, is that there is a case that marked abhorrence of violence may have been found among those women attracted to the Waldensian faith; no broader thesis is implied.