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Luther and the Problem of Martyrdom

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

David Bagchi
David Bagchi*
Affiliation:
University of Hull
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Extract

Kingsley Amis once had great fun imagining how the modern world might have turned out if Luther had successfully been bribed with the offer of a cardinalate. A much more likely miseen-scène is that suggested by Kierkegaard, who preferred to think how much better the world, or at least Danish Protestantism, would have been had Luther become a martyr. What makes the martyr’s crown a more plausible item of ecclesiastical headgear for Luther than a cardinal’s hat is that the idea of martyrdom was so important to him. Its importance was by no means restricted to the four years or so during which he daily expected to have to witness to the Gospel with his own blood: from his earliest lectures on the Psalms to his last lectures on Genesis, martyrdom and its implications for the Christian life were a central theme. In between Luther became not the first martyr of the Reformation, as he (no less than Kierkegaard) would have preferred, but its first martyrologist. In spite of this, Luther’s attitude to martyrdom has never, to my knowledge, been the subject of a full-scale study. In this paper I want to highlight some of the issues which would have to be explored further in any such study, and also to indicate the sense in which martyrdom became a problem for Luther.

Type
Research Article
Information
Studies in Church History , Volume 30: Martyrs and Martyrologies , 1993 , pp. 209 - 219
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1993

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References

1 Amis, Kingsley, The Alteration (London, 1976 Google Scholar).

2 The Journals of Seren Kierkegaard, ed. Dru, Alexander (Oxford, 1938), no. 1304, pp. 497 Google Scholarf.

3 The first chapter of Robert Kolb’s For All The Saints: Changing Perceptions of Martyrdom and Saint hood in the Lutheran Reformation (Macon, 1987) is the fullest treatment of this issue, and 1 shall return to it at the end of the paper. The focus of Kolb’s study is, however, on developments in second- and third-generation Lutheranism, not on Luther himself. Heiko Oberman gave due weight to the importance of martyrdom to Luther’s ecclesiology in his Luther. Mensch zwischen Gott und Teufel (Berlin, 1982), esp. pp. 269–85 (Eng. tr. Luther: Man between God and the Devil (New Haven and London, 1989), esp. pp. 254–71). Pinomaa, Lennart, in Die Heiligen bei Luther (Helsinki, 1977 Google Scholar), includes a useful discussion on the saints as imitators of Christ’s Passion: see pp. 134–7.

4 Von den Konziliis und Kirchen (1539), D. Martin Luthers Werke. Kritische Gesamtausgabe, ed. Knaake, J. C. F. et al., 64 vols (Weimar, 1883-) [Weimarer Ausgabe—hereafter WA], 50, p. 641 Google Scholar, lines 35ff. Eng. tr. in Luther’s Works, ed. Pelikan, J. and Lehmann, H. T., 56 vols (Philadelphia and St Louis, 1955-86) [hereafter LW], 41, p. 164 Google Scholar).

5 Dictata super Psalterium (1516), WA 3:342-5 = LW 10:286-9.

6 Ibid., WA 3:345, lines 1–3 – LW 10:289.

7 It is a significant if easily overlooked point that Luther’s famous confession ‘We are all Hussites’ was prompted by the thought of martyrdom. See Luther’s letter to Spalatin of c. 14 February 1520, D. Martin Luthers Werke. Kritische Gesamtausgabe: Briefwechsel, 18 vols (Weimar, 1930–85) [hereafter WABr], 2, p. 42, lines 22f.: ‘Bellum Domini est, qui non venit pacem mittere. Tu ergo cave, ne speres Christum in terra promoveri cum pace et suavitate, quern vides proprio sanguine pugnasse, et post eum omnes martyres. Ego imprudens hucusque omnia lohannis Huss et docui et tenui. Docuit eadem imprudentia et Iohannes Staupifz. Breviter: sumus omnes Hussitae ignorantes.’

8 See, for example, Praelectiones in prophetas minores (1524), on Zeph. 13, WA 13:509.25-33. Also In Esaiam enarrationes (1527-30), on Isa. 49, WA 31.11:399.22.

9 Ibid., on Isa. 26, with scholia of 1532–4, WA 25:174.30-41. Also Praelectiones in prophetas minores (1524), on Zeph. 13, WA 13:509.27–33.

10 In primum librum Mose enarrationes (1544, delivered between 1535 and 1540), on Gen. 49, WA 44:744.21-25 — LW 8:226.

11 Sermon for Epiphany (6 Jan. 1524), WA 14:326.3-9.

12 Festpostille (1527) on John 3, WA 17.ll.425.15-21.

13 See Ein Brief an die Christen im Niederland (1523), WA 12:(73), 77–80, and, for the hymn, Erfurter Enchiridion (1524), WA 35:411-15 — LW 53:211-16. For a recent treatment of the hymn, see Martin Rössler, ‘Ein neues Lied wir heben an. Ein Protestsong Martin Luthers’, in Hans-Martin Müller and Dietrich Rössler, eds, Reformation und Praktische Theologie. Festschrift fur Werner Jetter zum 70. Geburtstag (Göttingen, 1983), pp. 216–32. For details of memorials for the Brussels martyrs by other Lutheran propagandists, see Hebensrreit-Wilfert, Hildegard, ‘Martyrerflugschriften der Reformationszeit’, in Köhler, Hans-Joachim, ed., Flugschriften als Massenmedium der Reformationszeit — Spätmittelalter und Frühe Neuzeit, 13 (Stuttgart, 1981), PP. 397–9 Google Scholar

14 See Von Bruder Henrico in Ditmar verbrannt (1525), WA 18:(215), 224–40 — LW 32:(261), 265–86; Von Herm Lenhard Keiser zu Baiem um des Evangelii willen verbrannt (1527), WA 23:(443), 452–76; and Tröstung an die Christen zu Halle über Herm Georgen [Winkler], ihres Predigers Tod (1527), WA 23:(390), 402–31 — LW 43.(141), 145–77. Although it is not explicitly concerned with any particular martyrdom, the brief letter of consolation to the evangelicals of Worms of 24 Aug. 1524, WABr 3:138-40 — LW 43:(71), 77–9, also falls into this category.

15 See, for example, his letter to Jacob Montanus, 26 July 1523, WABr 3:117.9-11: ‘Ex Flandria bona accepimus nuncia, esse duos ex nostris fratribus pro verbo dei exustos Brusselle in foro publico spectaculo, deo gratia per Christum.’

16 See the brief extract from Johann Kessler’s Sabbata reported in WABr 3:239, n. 3.

17 For his identification with Job, see his letter to Agricola, 21 Aug. 1527, WABr 4:235.10. For a fuller description of Luther’s breakdown, see Bornkamm, Heinrich, Luther in Mid-Career, 1521–1530 (London, 1983), pp. 554–61 Google Scholar.

18 Von Herm Lenhard Keiser, WA 23:474.16-19.

19 Inprimum librum Mose enarrationes (1544, delivered between 1535 and 1540), on Gen. 27, WA 43:519.1 — LW 5:131. See also the introduction to Deuteronomion Mose cum annotationibus (1525), WA 14498.22–4 — LW 9:5, and An der Kurfürsten zu Sachsen und Landgrafen zu Hessen von demgefangenen Herzogzu Braunschweig (1545), WA 54:402.21-8 — LW 43:27611. It may be significant that in these references to the martyrdom he never achieved Luther distances himself, in the first instance, by using a generalized, Pauline ‘I’, in the others, by using ‘we’.

20 See Scott, Tom, Thomas Müntzer: Theology and Revolution in the German Reformation (Basing stoke, 1989), pp. 19, 61–5, and 83 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Luther acknowledged this in Eyn Brieff an die Fürsten zu Sachsen von dem auffrurischen geyst (1524), IVA 15:211.18-21: ‘Darumb er auch grewlich schreyet und klagt, Er müsse viel leyden, so doch sie bisher niemand widder mit faust noch mund noch fedder hat angetast, und trewmen yhn selbs eyn gros kretz, das sie leyden. So gar leychtferrig und on ursach mus der Satan liegen, er kan doch da sich nicht bergen.’

21 See Edwards, Mark U. Jr., Luther and the False Brethren (Stanford, 1975), pp. 67–9 Google Scholar.

22 See Rühel’s, Johann letter to Luther of 26 May 1525, WABr 3:511. 58–66 Google Scholar.

23 See Luther’s reply to Rühel of 30 May 1525, WABr 3:515.28-516.3.

24 Eine schreckliche Gesehichte und ein Gericht Gottes über Thomas Müntzer (1525), WA 18:(362), 367–74.

25 See Luther’s letter to Wenceslaus Linck of 12 May 1528, WABr 4:457.9-15.

26 See Luther’s letter to Bernhard Rothmannof 23 Dec. 1532, WABr 6:403.13-17: ‘Vides enim Zwinglium cum tot symmystis suis poenas dedisse sui dogmatis horribili saris exemplo, si illi possent commoveri. Sic periit et Munzer, Hetzer et alii plures, manifeste Deo monstrante isris monstris irae suae, quam oderit istos impios spiritus, licet indurati, ceu Judaei et Philistaei, talia contemnant, et nescio quos martyres celebrent.’ See also his letter to Martin Görlitz, 3 Jan. 1532, WABr 6:243.9-11 and Kurlzes Bekenntnis vom heiligen Sakrament (1544), WA 54:143.13f. — LW 38:289. On Luther’s reaction to his former colleague Carlstadt, another radical who claimed to have been ‘martyred’ by Luther’s rejection of him, see Luther’s letters to Amsdorf, 27 Oct. 1524, WA 3:361.14, and to Crusius, 30 Oct. 1524, WABr 3:366.14.

27 See Hebenstreit-Wilfert, , ‘Martyrerflugschriften der Reformarionszeit’, p. 426 Google Scholar.

28 See the lectures on I John 2 (20 Aug. 1527), WA 20:644.1-4 — LW 30:239; the sermon for 13 July 1539, WA 47:851.9–11, 15, 29f.; the sermon for Estomihi Sunday (8 Feb. 1540), WA 49:25-9; and Kurtzes Bekenntnis (1544), WA 54:141-67 — LW 38:303f.

29 See Dickens, A. G. and Tonkin, John, The Reformation in Historical Thought (Cambridge, Mass., 1985), p. 48 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Luther himself cast doubt on Thomas Becket’s martyr status as early as 1520, when he dated a letter ‘in die S. Thomae Martyris (ut creditur a multis)’. See the letter to Spalatin of 29 Dec. 1520, WABr 2:243.49.

30 See, for example, Die sieben Bußpsalmen (1525), WA 18:489.25ff. — LW 14:152. On the subject of legitimate imitation of Christ’s Passion, see esp. Walther von Loewenich, Luther’s Theology of the Cross (Belfast, 1976), pp. 118–22 and 127f., and Pinomaa, Die Heiligen bei Luther, pp. 134–7.

31 See his letter to his mother Margarethe of 20 May 1531, WABr 6:103.14–104.1.

32 At the back of Luther’s mind was a popular German proverb. A ‘Devil’s martyr’ was one who worked hard to little effect, and Luther used the phrase to describe religious and others who put their trust in works and self-inflicted sufferings—including the ‘new monastics’, the radicals. In this way he was able to link (in his own mind, at least) the religious orders, Anabaptists, sacramentarians, and the Devil. For examples of this proverb employed against religious, see: Auslegung deutsch des Vaterunsers (1519), WA 2:90.11-13 — LW 42:31; sermon on John 8 (7 Oct. 1531), WA 33:525.11-21 — LW 23:327; on John 8 (28 Oct. 1531), WA 33:580.41-581.5 — LW 23:359; In epistolam S. Pauli ad Galatas commentarius (1531, publ. 1535), on Gal. 5, WA 40.II:8f. — LW 27:8; Enarratio Psalmi XC (late 1534/early 1535), WA 40.III:563.19f. — LW 13:123. For its use against Zwingli, see e.g. Kurtzes Bekenntnis (1544), WA 54:155.15-17-LW 38:303f.

33 Inprimum librum Mose enarrationes (1544), on Gen. 6 (WA 42:267.14-20 — LW 2:7f).

34 Ibid., on Gen. 22, WA 43:209.19-27 — LW 4:103.

35 Ibid., on Gen. 5, WA 42:246.18 — LW 1:335; ibid., on Gen. 11, WA 42:414.26-33 — LW 2:216f.; ibid., on Gen. 11, WA 42:424.25-8 — LW 2:230; ibid., on Gen. 21, WA 43:165.8f. — LW 4:41;ibid., on Gen. 26, WA 43:491.29-39 — LW 5:90; ibid., on Gen. 31, WA 44:51.28-32 — LW 6:70; ibid., on Gen. 36, WA 44:210 —LW 6:282; ibid., on Gen. 37, WA 44:271.22-6 — LW 6:363; ibid., on Gen. 37, WA 44:292.9f. — LW 6:390.

36 Luther already suspected in the midst of his breakdown that his martyrdom was meant to be spiritual rather than physical. See his letter to Agricola of 21 Aug. 1527, WABr 4:235.16-19: ‘Ita fit, ut a tyrannis mundi nihil patiar quidem, dum alii occiduntur, exuruntur et pereunt pro Christo, verum eo plus a principe ipso mundi patior in spiritu.’

37 See the sermon for Estomihi Sunday (8 Feb. 1540), WA 49:27.16f.: ‘Sic Diabolus maximus martyr, sed damit sucht er, ut totum mundum seducat.’

38 Inprimum librum Mose enarrationes (1544), on Gen. 48, WA 44:718.40–719.5 — LW 8:191.

39 Ibid., on Gen. 49, WA 44:766 – LW 8:255f.

40 See the sermon on Psalm no of 1535, WA 41:211.38-212.30 — LW 13:333; Inprimum librum Mose enarrationes (1544), on Gen. 49, WA 44:766 — LW 8:255f.; ibid., on Gen. 35, WA 44:189 — LW 6:255; Der XXIII Psalm, auff ein abend uber Tisch ausgelegt (1536), WA 51:293.32-294.1 — LW 12:177; sermon on John 14(1537), WA 45:568:27-569.11 — LW 24:118; ibid., on John 14, WA 45:587.15-18 — LW 24:138; ibid., on John 14 and 15, WA 45:639.22-640.5 — LW 24:196f.; ibid., on John 15, WA 45:713 — LW 24:277; ibid., on John 16, WA 46:109.10-34 — LW 24:420; ibid., on John 15, WA 45:639.22-640.5 — LW 24:196f. For a much earlier appeal to the young women martyrs, see Epistel S. Petri gepredigt und ausgelegt (1523), WA 12:382.18-21 — LW 30:127.

41 See the introduction to Deuteronomion Mose cum annotationibus (1525), WA 14:498.22-4 — LW 9:5; In primum librum Mose enarrattones (1544, delivered between 1535 and 1540), on Gen. 4, WA 42:212.35-213.7 —LW 1:288;ibid., on Gen. 25, WA 43:393.15-18 — LW 4:41; Wider das Bapstum zu Rom vom Teuffel gestifft (1545), WA 54:281.3-16 — LW 41:3 54. See also the preface to Bekantnus des Glaubens die Robertus Bams gethan hat (1540), WA 51:449-51.

42 See De servo arbitrio (1525), WA 18:651.5; Der CXII Psalm Davids gepredigt (1526), WA 19:336.3; In Esaiam enarrationes (1527-30), on Isa. 26, and scholia of 1532–4, WA 25:174.22, 40; ibid., scholia on Isa. 41, WA 25:263.33-9; ibid., scholia on Isa. 60, WA 25:369.20-4; Sprüche, mit denen sich Luther getröstet hat (1530), WA 30.11:706.20-6 — LW 43:174; In primum librum Mose enarrationes (1544), on Gen. 6, WA 42:276.38-277.2 — LW 2:21; ibid., on Gen. 49, WA 44:744.21-5 — LW 8:226.

43 See the sermon on John 6 (1531), WA 33:226.25-41 = LW 23:145; In primum librum Mose enarrationes (1544), on Gen. 45, WA 44:584.25-30 — LW 8:7; ibid., on Gen. 45, WA 44:617.35-8 — LW 8:52; Der XXIII Psalm, auff ein abend uber Tisch ausgelegt (1536), WA 51:291.21-6 ~LW 12:174; sermon on John 14(1537), WA 45:572.21-8 — LPF 24:122; ibid., on John 15, WA 45:639.9-640.5 — LW 24:196f.

44 See the sermon on Ps. 110(1535), WA 41:211.38-212.30 = LW 13:333, where, in the context of an exposition of the universal priesthood, St Agnes and the other martyrs are hailed as ‘rechte, heilige Pfaffen und Pfeffin’ for offering up the sacrifice of their own bodies and providing examples by which to encourage and console others.

45 Kolb, For All The Saints, pp. 11–27.