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The Late Byzantine Monastery in Town and Countryside
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
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In this paper I want to look not only at the late Byzantine monastery in town and countryside, but how each category fared after the Turkish conquests, when towns became important again. By the late Byzantine monastery I mean one commonly established by a founder’s typikon, and commonly enjoying stavropegiac rights of autonomy (especially from the thirteenth century). Material for the late Byzantine monastery is abundant enough both before and after the conquests, especially on Athos which is a special case. But it is comparatively less explored after the conquests. This is curious, for if it is true, as we are so often told, that it was the Orthodox church which kept alive the flame of Hellenismes during the dark centuries of the Tourkokratia, and if it is true that it is monasticism which is the peculiar guardian of Orthodoxy, and that monks are, in Theodore of Stoudion’s words, ‘the nerves and foundations of the Church’, the fate of the late Byzantine monastery should be an important field of study. I have adapted my approach to the nature of the bulk of the surviving evidence, which is economic. This may be like trying to write an account of a university’s research on the basis of its finance department’s records alone, but in times of a squeeze it may not be an unfair approach. A late Byzantine monk had to feast so as to fast. I began my study by making a census of known Byzantine monasteries, within the twelfth-century borders. This has been done before. Beck worked on a corpus of a hundred and sixty monasteries, which Charanis brought up to two hundred and forty one. Charanis reckoned that there might be about seven hundred recorded all told, less than a tenth of the actual total. By chance my list of monasteries came to exactly seven hundred, so I drew the line there, although it is clear that diligence would unearth up to one thousand.
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References
1 Parva catechesis, PC 99 (1860) col 393.
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59 There is no good history of Ottoman-Athonite relations. The arrangements of 1430 were a kind of relief from transitory Catalan, Serbian, Ottoman and Byzantine domination. See Hasluck, F. W., Athos and its monasteries (London 1924) pp 31-3Google Scholar; Oikonomidès, N., ‘Le haradj dans l’empire byzantin du XVe siècle’, Actes du 1er Congrès international des études balkaniques et sud-est européennes III (Histoire) (Sofia 1969) pp 681-8Google Scholar; Chrestou, P. K., ‘Αθωνική ΠολιτεΙα (Thessalonike 1963) pp 54–65 Google Scholar; for a detailed description of the Lavra’s finances under the Ottomans, see Alexander Lavriotes, (Lazarides), To “Ayiov “Opos μετάτήν Όθωμανικήν κοηάκτησιν EEBS 32 (1963) pp 113–261 Google Scholar; and for a number of useful articles, Le millénaire du Mont Athos, 963-1963 1 (Chevtogne 1963); 2 (Vcnice/Chevtogne 1965).
60 Runciman, [S.], [The] Great Church [in captivity: a study of the patriarchate of Constantinople from the eve of the Turkish conquest to the Greek war of independence] (Cambridge 1968) pp 193–202 Google Scholar; Historia politica et patriarchica Constantinopoleos, ed Bekker, I., CSHByz (1849) pp 3–204 Google Scholar.
61 Runciman, Great Church p 202. A not untypical European comment is in Grelot, W. J., A late voyage to Constantinople . . . (London 1683) pp 138-9Google Scholar: ‘Since Vain-glory and Simony became Masters of the Patriarchate, all these Prelates are constraint to reimburse the person, who to clamber over his Predecessor’s head, gives never so much Money to the Grand Signor. Which is the reason, that whereas the Empereurs formerly gave great Presents to the Patriarchs, to gain by their means the favour of the People under their Jurisdiction, they now receive vaster Sums from them; which daily increasing through the exorbitant Ambition of the Patriarchs, will soon enhance the price so high, that in a short time it will be a difficult thing for all Greece to raise the Sum demanded. In the space of two years that I stay’d at Constantinople, two different Patriarchs [probably Parthenios IV (1657-62, 1665-7, 1671, 1675-6, 1684-5) and Dionysios IV (1671-3, 1676-9, 1682-4, 1686-7, 1693-4)] gave for the Patriarchship, the one fifty, the other sixty thousand Crowns, as a Present to the Grand Signor. Considerable Sums for the Caloyers, who profess the Vow of Poverty, and ought to enjoy nothing of Propriety. Nevertheless when any of these Monks can meet with a rich Merchant, which will advance part of the Money, they propose their design to the Grand Signor [Mehmed IV (1648-87)], who fails not to grant the Title to him that gives most, and having received the Present, gives him the Barat or Grand Signor’s Letters Patents, by vertue of which the old Patriarch is displac’d, and the new one settl’d in his room, with order to the Greeks to obey him, and to pay with all speed the Debts contracted, under the penalties of Bastinadoing, Confiscation, and shutting up their Churches. Which Order is presently sent to all the Archbishops and Metropolitans, who give immediate notice thereof to their Suffragans : who laying hold on the opportunity, tax the Caloyers and People under their Jurisdiction, the sum assess’d by the Patriarch, and something more, under pretence of Expences and Presents extraordinary.’ The rivalry between Parthenios IV and Dionysios IV marked the nadir of patriarchal politics at a time when there were Greek and Armenian neo-martyrs after Mehmed IV’s rebuff at Vienna in 1683: this is also the background of Anglican and non-juror overtures to the Orthodox church.
62 Examples in Lowry, Trabzon pp 209-47.
63 Mendicta, Athos p 113.
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70 Kyriakides, Σουμελα pp 134-5. The goods ranged from a Moscow gospel and altar silver at 187 piastres, to an icon of the Panagia worth 25 piastres.
71 Kyriakides, Σουμελδ pp 170-3; Chrysanthos of Trebizond and Athens (Philippides), ‘H ΈκκλησΙα ТрсптЕзоиитоѕ’, AP 4-5 (1933) pp 468-84.
72 Accounts in Soumela MS 8, now in the Archaeological Museum, Ankara, from 1840-1905. Sample years show:
Unfortunately there is no break-down of income and expenditure, except that the exceptionally high income for 1904 included 200,665 piastres from the abbot’s fundraising trip to Russia, while the largest expenditure that year was 133,869 on ‘Various’. But Soumela MS 54 gives monthly accounts from June-December 1852, which reveals that by far the largest income and expenditure came in August (15 August, the Dormition, was Soumela’s great festival). On Muslim pilgrims to Soumela, see Alfred Biliotti’s despatch of 17 December 1877 in PRO FO 195/1141: ‘It is also held in reverence by the Mussulmans many of whom, at least 500 yearly, go there in pilgrimage with important offerings in kind and money.’
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75 There is still no critical work on Armenian monasticism and Ormanian, M., The Church of Armenia (London 1955)Google Scholar is no substitute. On the Nestorians of the Hakkari, see Badger, G. P., The Nestorians and their rituals (London 1852)Google Scholar.
76 Mendieta, Athos p 245.
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78 Kyriakides, Σουμελδ pp 204-59; another view is in Gervasios of Alexandroupolis (Sarrisites), “Ετταρχΐα ‘ΡοδοτΓΟλεωΐ’, AP 6 (1935) pp 68–85 Google Scholar.
79 Blackman, D. and Branigan, K., ‘An archaeological survey of the lower catchment of the Ayiofarango valley’, The Annual of the British School at Athens 72 (1977) pp 77–80 and n 23 CrossRefGoogle Scholar above.
80 Mendieta, Athos p 132.
81 Frazee, Orthodox Church pp 120, 125-7. The remaining two thousand or so monks were concentrated in a hundred and forty eight surviving monasteries. By 1840 there were one thousand six hundred and forty six monks in a hundred and twenty eight monasteries.