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Holy Land or Holy Lands? Palestine and the Catholic West in the Late Middle Ages and Renaissance
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
Extract
In one passage in his famous account, Friar Felix Faber described how ‘some dull and unprofitable pilgrims’ to Jerusalem in 1480 mocked the excited behaviour of the devout in the courtyard in front of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, ‘calling them fools, hypocrites and Beghards’. The incident is revealing of the spectrum of reactions provoked by the experience of the Holy Land in late medieval and Renaissance Europe. Here more than anywhere else, tension was generated by the inescapable paradox of Christology, God become man, and the conflicts which it set up between the immanent and the representational, the universal and the elect, the eschatological and the timeless. This occurred, moreover, within a physical setting which constantly reminded the sensitive pilgrim of the difficulty of reconciling the Old and New Dispensations. But the same electrical charge which caused the Holy Land as sacred space to provoke diverse and at times contradictory responses, endowed the Holy Land as idea with a remarkable attraction. There took place a number of different ‘migrations of the holy’, to use John Bossy’s phrase. To a large extent the status of the geographical Holy Land was weakened by these developments, but in at least one respect it was strengthened.
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- Research Article
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- Studies in Church History , Volume 36: The Holy Land, Holy Lands, and Christian History , 2000 , pp. 228 - 249
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- Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 2000
References
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58 The moderate Taborite Nicholas of Pelhrimov, for example, commented around 1430 that God would transfer his favour to other peoples if the Czechs let him down. See H. Kaminsky, ‘Nicholas of Pelhrimov’s Tabor: an adventure into the eschaton’, in A. Patschovsky and F. Smahel, eds, Eschatologie und Hussitismus (Prague, 1996), p. 147.
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63 A. Milhou, ‘La Chauve-souris, le Nouveau David et le Roi caché (trois images de l’empereur des derniers temps dans le monde ibérique: XIIIe-XVIIe s.)’, Mélanges de la Casa de Velazquez, 18 (1982), pp. 61-78; idem, Colón, pp. 372-89; M. Aureli, ‘Prophétie et messianisme politique: la péninsule ibérique au miroir du Liber Ostensor de Jean de Roquetaillade’, Mélanges de l’École française de Rome: Moyen Age, 102 (1990), pp. 317-61.
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69 Milhou, Colón, pp. 314-15, with reference to the prophecy of Johan Alamany, ibid., pp. 302-8. On the other hand, it is striking that Jerusalem seems to have played no role in the ideology of the Hungarian rebels in 1514, despite the fact that they were crusaders. The chiliastic thinking attributed to them by some commentators is not apparent in the surviving sources. See my ‘Crusading as social revolt: The Hungarian peasant uprising of 1514’, JEH, 49 (1998), pp. 1-28, esp. pp. 19-20.
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75 As we saw above (p. 232), the pope had earlier in 1507 come under pressure from Henry VII of England to organize a crusade. The fact that Henry argued without overt reference to eschatological considerations makes the point that they were not to everyone’s taste.
76 J. L. Phelan, The Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World (2nd edn, Berkeley, CA, 1970).
77 Baudot, G., Utopie et histoire au Mexique. Les premiers chroniqueurs de la civilisation mexicaine (1520-1560) (Toulouse, 1977), pp. 72–118 Google Scholar, esp. pp. 80-9.
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80 The ground was prepared by Columbus, who in his account of his third voyage described the lands he had discovered as an earthly paradise: C. Varela, ed., Cristóbal Colón, Textos y documentos completos (Madrid, 1982), pp. 217-21. See also Milhou, Colón, p. 457.
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82 Milhou, Colón, pp. 328, 414., 451; O. Niccoli, Prophecy and People in Renaissance Italy (Princeton, NJ, 1990), pp. 189-96, arguing for a decline in public prophecy in Italy as early as the 15 30s. Others have seen eschatological excitement persisting north of the Alps until the end of the Thirty Years Year. R. B. Barnes, for example, in Prophecy and Gnosis: Apocalypticism in the Wake of the Lutheran Reformation (Stanford, CA, 1988), p. 265, described the war as ‘the last great age of apocalyptic hope in Germany’.
83 See the fundamental studies by Guilmartin, J. F., Gunpowder and Galleys: Changing Technology and Mediterranean Warfare at Sea in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, 1974)Google Scholar; A. C. Hess, The Forgotten Frontier: A History of the Sixteenth-Century Ibero-African Frontier (Chicago, 1978).
84 Thomas à Kempis, for example, commented adversely on the benefits accruing from pilgrimage by comparison with mystical contemplation of the sacrament: De imitatione Christi libri quatuor, iv, 1, ed. T. Lupo, Storia e attualita, 6 (Rome, 1982), pp. 308-9. Compare the slighting reference to Jerusalem pilgrimage voiced by Folly in Erasmus’s Moriae encomium, id est Stultitiae laus, ed. C. H. Miller, 48, in Opera omnia Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami, IV.3 (Amsterdam and Oxford, 1979), pp. 136-9.
85 Anna Benvenuti Papi more or less dismissed the clear enthusiasm which St Margaret of Cortona displayed for the recovery of the Holy Land because it did not agree with her argument that the saint’s devotion epitomized the move from seeking Jerusalem corporaliter to seeking it spiritualiter. ‘“Margarita filia Jerusalem”’, pp. 132-6.
86 Hamilton, ‘The Ottomans’, pp. 15-16; O. Gründler, ‘Devotio moderna’, in Raitt, Christian Spirituality, pp. 176-93.
87 For a recent treatment see Raedts, P., ‘St Bernard of Clairvaux and Jerusalem’, in Wilks, , Prophecy and Eschatology, SCH.S 10 (Woodbridge, 1997), pp. 169–182 Google Scholar, esp. pp. 173, 178.
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89 Stayer, J. M., ‘Christianity in one city: Anabaptist Münster’, in Hillerbrand, H. J., ed., Radical Tendencies in the Reformation: Divergent Perspectives (Kirkville, MO, 1988), pp. 117–34 Google Scholar, provides the best short account.
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