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² Ibid. 168.

³ Coote, Lesley A., Prophecy and Public Affairs in Later Medieval England (York, 2000), 14.Google Scholar

⁴ Ibid. 4.

⁵ McGinn, Bernard, Visions of the End (New York, 1998), 4 Google Scholar; see also Lerner, Robert E., ‘Medieval Prophecy and Religious Dissent’, P&P, no. 72 (1976), 3–24.Google Scholar

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⁹ Luther, Martin, Preface to the Revelation of St John, in LW 35, 399–400.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Ibid. 400.

¹¹ Barnes, Prophecy and Gnosis, 96–9; Cameron, Euan, ‘Philip Melanchthon: Image and Substance’, JEH 48 (1997), 705–22, at 711Google Scholar; Kusukawa, Sachiko, The Transformation of Natural Philosophy :The Case of Philip Melanchthon (Cambridge, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Methuen, Charlotte, ‘The Role of the Heavens in the Thought of Philip Melanchthon’, JHI 57 (1996), 385–403.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹² Joye, George, The exposicion of Daniel the prophete gathered oute of Philip Melanchton, Iohan Ecolampadius, Chonrade Pellkane & out of Iohan Draconite. &c. (Antwerp, 1545), fol. 5v.Google Scholar It is likely that Joye knew Bale and that Bale would have been familiar with his work: Joye’s printer, Antonius Goinus, also published Bale’s works (including the Brefe Chronycle) until 1546 in Antwerp, and although Bale’s movements during his first period of exile remain obscure, it is believed that Joye was actually living in Antwerp and not editing from afar – so a direct personal connection is probable. On Bale’s movements, see Happé, Peter, John Bale (New York, 1996), 11 Google Scholar; for Joye, see Butterworth, Charles C. and Chester, Allan G., George Joye 1495?-1553: A Chapter in the History of the English Bible and the English Reformation (Philadelphia, PA, 1962), 205.Google Scholar

¹³ Fairfield, John Bale, 73–5.

¹⁴ Engammare, Max, ‘Calvin: A Prophet without a Prophecy’, ChH 67 (1998), 643–61, at 648.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Ibid. 644.

¹⁶ Johnson, Dale, ‘John Knox, Scripture, and Prophecy’, in Parish, Helen and Naphy, William G., eds, Religion and Superstition in Reformation Europe (Manchester, 2002), 133–53, at 147.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid.; Lotz-Heumann, Ute, ‘“The Spirit of Prophecy Has Not Wholly Left the World”: The Stylisation of Archbishop James Ussher as a Prophet’, in Parish, and Naphy, , eds, Religion and Superstition, 124.Google Scholar The relationship between preaching and prophesying in the early Reformation is underscored by the establishment of the Prophezei in Zürich, where Scripture was interpreted and sermons were prepared: see Locher, Gottfried W., Zwingli’s Thought: New Perspectives (Leiden, 1981), 27–30.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Engammare, ‘Calvin’, 643.

¹⁹ Lotz-Heumann, ‘Archbishop Ussher’, 119–32.

²⁰ Sermons by Hugh Latimer, ed. George Elwes Corrie (Cambridge, 1844), 320–1. I am grateful to Alec Ryrie for this reference.

²¹ See Jotischky, Andrew, The Carmelites and Antiquity (Oxford, 2002).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²² For Bale’s manuscripts, see Crompton, James, ‘Fasciculi Zizaniorum’, JEH 12 (1961), 35–45, 155–66 Google Scholar; Davies, W. T.. ‘A Bibliography of John Bale’, Oxford Bibliographical Society: Proceedings and Papers 5 (1936-9), 201–79 Google Scholar; McCusker, Honor, ‘Books and Manuscripts formerly in the Possession of John Bale’, The Library ser. 4, 16 (1935–6), 144–65 Google Scholar; Bale, John, Index Britanniae Scriptorum, ed. Poole, Reginald Lane and Bateson, Mary, intro. Brett, Caroline and Carley, James P. (Woodbridge, 1990).Google Scholar

²³ Bale, John, The image of bothe Churches (London, 1548), sig. Aiiiiv.Google Scholar

²⁴ Fairfield, Leslie P., John Bale: Mythmaker for the English Reformation (Eugene, OR, 1976), 71 Google Scholar; King, John N., English Reformation Literature (Princeton, NJ, 1982), 63 Google Scholar; Minton, Gretchen E., ‘“Suffer Me Not to be Separated, and Let my Cry Come unto Thee”: John Bale’s Apocalypse and the Exilic Imagination’, Reformation 15 (2010), 83–97 CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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²⁶ For instance, Foxe incorporated Bale’s martyrology of Oldcastle nearly verbatim in the first edition of his Acts and Monuments: see Foxe, John, The Unabridged Acts and Monuments Online or TAMO (1563 edn) (HRI Online Publications, Sheffield, 2011), 313–33, <http//www.johnfoxe.org>, accessed 1 July 2011.,+accessed+1+July+2011.>Google Scholar Foxe’s characterization of Oldcastle, based on Bale’s Brefe chronycle, caused polemical controversy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: see Monta, Susannah and Freeman, Thomas S., ‘Holinshed and Foxe’, in Kewes, Paulina, Archer, Ian and Heal, Felicity, eds, The Oxford Handbook of Holinshed’s Chronicles (Oxford, 2012), ch. 13.Google Scholar I am grateful to the authors for allowing me to see the manuscript prior to publication.

²⁷ Bauckham, Richard, Tudor Apocalypse (Abingdon, 1978), 38–90 Google Scholar; Firth, Katharine R., The Apocalyptic Tradition in Reformation Britain, 1530–1645 (Oxford, 1979), 32–68 Google Scholar; Fairfield, John Bale.

²⁸ Bale, John, The actes of Englysh votaryes comprehendynge their vnchast practyses and examples by all ages (Antwerp, 1546), Cvir.Google Scholar

²⁹ Bale, John, A brefe chronycle concerninge the examinacyon and death of the blessed martyr of Christ syr Johan Oldecastell (Antwerp, 1544), Aviiir-Bir.Google Scholar

³⁰ Bale, John, The Vocacyon of Johan Bale (Wesel, 1553), sig. BivGoogle Scholar; see also Fairfield, John Bale, 110–11.

³¹ Parish, Helen L., Monks, Miracles and Magic: Reformation Representations of the Medieval Church (Abingdon, 2005), 45–70.Google Scholar

³² Bale, The actes of Englysh votaryes, E2v-3r; cf. Bede, Ecclesiastical History of the English People 4.2, ed. and transl. Bertram Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors, OMT (Oxford, 1969), 332–5.

³³ Bale, The actes of Englysh votaryes, Gviv.

³⁴ Ibid., Eivr; cf. 2 Thess. 2: 1–12.

³⁵ Ibid., Cvir.

³⁶ Ibid., Bir.

³⁷ For a reference to this passage, see ibid., Fir.

³⁸ Ibid., Diiir.

³⁹ Ibid., Eivr.

⁴⁰ See Geoffrey of Monmouth, The History of the Kings of Britain, ed. Reeve, Michael D., transl. Wright, Neil (Woodbridge, 2007), 148 (Book VII).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Bale, John, The first examinacyon of Anne Askewe (Wesel, 1546), Aiir.Google Scholar

⁴² Ibid., Aiijr; see Bede, , The Reckoning of Time 68, ed. Wallis, Faith, TTH 29 (Liverpool, 1999), 240–1.Google Scholar

⁴³ Bale also sought to mend John Wyclif’s reputation: see Aston, Margaret, ‘John Wycliffe’s Reformation Reputation’, in eadem, ed., Lollards and Reformers: Images and Literacy in Late Medieval England (London, 1984), 243–72, at 244–6.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Bale, Brefe chronycle, Dviv.

⁴⁵ Ibid., Eir (my italics).

⁴⁶ Ibid., Giir.

⁴⁷ The same type of paratextual component is also evident in an example from the Wittenberg press of Nickel Schirlenz, in which a work from the medieval prophetical tradition is appended to an evangelical text: a German translation of the Magdeburg prophecy serves as an appendix to pseudo-Pflaum’s Practica (1532): see Barnes, Prophecy and Gnosis, 57; Lerner, Robert E., The Powers of Prophecy: The Cedar of Lebanon Vision from the Mongol Onslaught to the Dawn of the Enlightenment (Ithaca, NY, 2009), 166.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Bale, Brefe chronycle, Gviiir.