Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-dh8gc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-07T15:23:30.795Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Henry VII and Christian Renewal

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Anthony Goodman*
Affiliation:
University of Edinburgh

Extract

Henry VII, wrote Knowles, ‘was not personally interested in religion in its theological or devotional aspects, still less in its spiritual depth, but neither was he a critic or libertine. His actions and policies, as we see them, were earthbound’. However, Storey has written that ‘Henry’s piety must be emphasised . . . [his] devotions went far beyond those of his contemporaries’. The king’s most recent biographer, Chrimes, remarks on his meticulous religious observances, his contemporary reputation as a sound churchman, and his discriminating religious patronage. Chrimes’s verdict on Henry’s relations with papacy and church is that they were ‘in no way remarkable’, and on his patronage of learning that it is ‘far from clear’ whether ‘much in the way of humanistic influences were at work in his court’. Speculating on whether the king possessed ‘genuine religious feeling’ he inclines to Knowles’s steely verdict.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1981

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Knowles, , RO 3 (1959) p 3 Google Scholar.I owe thanks for bibliographical help to Miss Marilyn Dunn, Professor Kenneth Fowler, Mrs. Jacqueline Goodman, Mr. Peter Lewis, Dr. Angus MacKay and Miss Kate Mertes. Professor C. N. L. Brooke and other members of the Ecclesiastical History Society made helpful suggestions about this communication, some of which are incorporated in the footnotes.

2 Storey, [R. L.], [The Reign of Henry VII] (London 1968) p 63 Google Scholar; compare Colvin, [H. M.], [‘Henry VII’s Works of Piety’, The History of the King’s Works ed Colvin, ] 3 pt 1 (London 1975) pp 187222 Google Scholar.

3 Chrimes, [S. B.], [Henry VII] (London 1972) pp 240-4Google Scholar, 305, 307.

4 Pollard, [A. F.], [The Reign of Henry VII from Contemporary Sources] (London 1913-14) 1 p 164-5Google Scholar. Henry’s real motive for wishing Simnel to be made a priest may have been to debar any recrudescence of his pretensions to kingship.

3 Chrimes, 75.

4 Guenée, B. and Lehoux, F., Les entrées royales françaises de 1328 à 1515 (Paris 1968) pp 241-65Google Scholar.

7 Liber Regie Capette ed Ullmann, W. (HBS London 1959)Google Scholar.

8 Vaughan, R., Charles the Bold (London 1973) pp 193-4Google Scholar.

9 The Household of Edward IV, ed Myers, A.R (Manchester 1959) pp 133-7Google Scholar; Ordinances for the household made at Eltham’, A Collection of Ordinances and Regulations for the Government of the Royal Household (London 1790) pp 160-1Google Scholar; compare Harrison, F. L., Music in Medieval Britain (London 1958) pp 171-2Google Scholar.

10 One motive for Henry’s lavish alms-giving and arrangement with nearly a hundred religious houses to perform services for his benefit (Storey, p 63) may have been to attach loyalties to himself and his family.

11 Test [amenta] Vet [usta , ed Nicolas, N.H] 1 (London 1826) p 33 Google Scholar. For Henry’s devotion to the sacraments, The English Works of John Fisher , ed Mayor, J. E. B. EETS 1 (1876) pp 273-4Google Scholar.

12 Memorials [of King Henry the Seventh , ed Gairdner, ] RS (1858)Google Scholar.

13 Little, A. G., ‘Introduction of the Observant Franciscans into England’, PBA 10 (1921-3) PP 455 Google Scholar seq and ‘Introduction of the Observant Friars into England: a Bull of Alexander VI’, ibid 27 (1941) pp 155 seq.

14 Chrimes pp 304-5.

15 Jenkins, [C.], [‘Cardinal Morton’s Register’, Tudor Studies ed Seton-Watson, R.W] (London 1924) pp 40 Google Scholar seq. The papal bull in response gave Morton powers to visit exempt houses.

16 D. Baker, ‘Old Wine in New Bottles: Attitudes to Reform in Fifteenth-Century England’, SCH (1977) pp 206-7.

17 RO3 pp 12-13; Jenkins p 40.

18 Epistolas y otros varios tratados de Masen Diego de Valera ed de Balenchana, J. A. (Madrid 1878) pp 91-6Google Scholar.

19 Ruano, E. B., ‘La Participación Extranjera en la Guerra de Granada’, Andalucía Medieval 2 (Cordoba 1978) pp 306-8Google Scholar, 318-9.

20 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1481-94, pp 192, 219.

21 Chrimesp 327; Chroniques de Jean Molinet ed Doutrepont, G. and Jodogne, O. 1 (Brussels 1935) pp 563-4Google Scholar.

22 Henry’s continued interest in Spanish crusading is reflected in the detailed account of the capture of Granada inserted in a diplomatic dispatch sent to him from Rome in 1492; see HMC, Middleton MSS (London 1911) pp 259 Google Scholar seq.

23 Colvin pp 196 seq. Henry’s lack of interest in the characteristically English kinds of educational patronage provides a contrast with some of the people he was close to, such as his mother Margaret Beaufort and Richard Fox.

24 Morgan, D. A. L., ‘The King’s Affinity in the Polity of Yorkist England’, TRHS 5th ser vol 23 pp 21 Google Scholar seq.

25 Champion, P., Louis XI 2 (Paris 1928) pp 235 Google Scholar seq, 309 seq.

26 Renaudet, [A.], [Préréforme et humanisme à Paris] (Paris 1916) pp 171-2Google Scholar, 178 seq, 195-6.

27 Renaudet pp 163 seq.

28 Borderie, [A. Le Moyne de] la, [Histoire de Bretagne] 4 (Eennes 1906) pp 630-1Google Scholar; Haut-Jussé, [B.-A.] Pocquet du, [Les papes et les ducs de Bretagne] 2 (Paris 1928) pp 741 Google Scholar seq.

29 Saint-Paul, Jean de, Chronique de Bretagne ed Borderie, A. de la (Nantes 1881) pp 25 Google Scholar, 44-5; compare pp 81 seq.

30 Bouchard, [Alain], [Les chroniques Annales des pava dangieterre et Bretagne] (Paris 1581)Google Scholar.

31 Pocquet du Haut-Jussé 2 pp 715 seq, 738-9, 746 seq.

32 Bouchard fol lxvi.

33 Pocquet du Haut-Jussé 2 pp 667 seq, 686-7; la Bordene 4 pp 374-7; Morice, P.-H., Histoire ecclesiastique et civile de Bretagne 2 (Paris 1756) p 58 Google Scholar; [Morice], H., Mémoires [pour servir de preuves à l’histoire ecclésiastique et civile de Bretagne] 3 (Paris 1746) pp 488-9Google Scholar.

34 Memorials pp 386-7. For her father duke Francis’s devotion to St Francis, Mémoires 3 pp 602-3.

35 Armstrong, J., ‘An Italian Astrologer at the Court of Henry VII’, Italian Renaissance Studies ed Jacob, E. F. (London 1960) p 440 Google Scholar; Memorials pp 133 seq.

36 Compare Meschinot, Jean, Les lunettes des princes ed Martineau-Genieys, C. (Geneva 1972)Google Scholar and Maire, Jean Le, Le Tempie d’Honneur et de Vertus ed Hornik, H. (Geneva 1957)Google Scholar.

37 Memorials p 123.

38 Busch, W., England under the Tudors 1 (London 1895) pp 307-8Google Scholar; Colvin p 195 n 3.

39 Test Vet 1 p 26; Memorials pp 9, 11.

40 Pollard 3 p 28.

41 Colvin pp 219-20.

42 Lewis, P. S., ‘Two pieces of fifteenth-century political iconography’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 27 (1964) pp 319-20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bouchard, especially fols li seq.

43 Compare Armstrong, C. A. J., introduction to The Usurpation of Richard III (Oxford 1969) pp 24-5Google Scholar.

44 Memorials pp 9-11, 13-14, 68.

45 Challis, C. E., The Tudor Coinage (Manchester,1978) pp 46 Google Scholar seq; Grierson, P., ‘The Origins of the English Sovereign and the Symbolism of the Closed Crown’, British Numismatics Journal 33 (1964) pp 118 Google Scholar seq.

46 Test Vet 1 pp 31-2.

47 A good example of such a panegyric is the rpose Latin one addressed to Henry by the Scot Walter Ogilvie after the marriage of James IV and Henry’s daughter (Edinburgh National Library of Scotland Adv. MS 33.2.24). Compare Anglo, [S.], [Spectacle, Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy] (Oxford 1969) pp 19-20Google Scholar, 40-1, 46-7. Dr Anglo puts a different emphasis on the early Tudor use of the British history (ibid pp 44 seq).

48 Dudley, Edmund, The Tree of Commonwealth ed Brodie, D.M (Cambridge 1948) pp 32-3Google Scholar.

49 Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland. Papal Letters 1484-92 (London 1960) ppl seq, 14 seq.

50 Anglo pp 18-19, 31-2; Tudor Royal Proclamations ed Hughes, P.L and Laikin, J. F. 1 (New Haven and London 1964) pp 67 Google Scholar; Pollard vol 3 pp 156 seq, vol 1 pp 222, 232.

51 Hodnett, E., English Woodcuts 1480-1535 (Oxford 1973) pp viii Google Scholar, 46, 82; compare James Ryman’s poem on Henry VI (1492) in Historical Poems [of the XIVth and XVth Centuries ed Robbins, R. H.] (New York 1959) pp 199201 Google Scholar; also Anglo pp 37-43.I owe thanks to Dr. Gary Dickson for drawing my attention to this woodcut.

52 Historie of the Arrivall of Edward IV ed Bruce, J. C Ser (London 1838)Google Scholar.

53 Historical Poems pp 200-1.

54 Blacman, John, Henry the Sixth ed James, M.R (Cambridge 1919) pp 27-9Google Scholar, 30-1, 38.

55 Koebner, [R.], [‘ “The Imperial Crown of this Realm”: Henry VIII, Constantine the Great and Polydore Vergil’, BIHR] vol 26 (1953) p 35 Google Scholar; compare Hay, D., Polydorc Vergil> (Oxford 1952) pp 109-10Google Scholar.

56 Anglo pp 44-5.

57 SirFortescue, John, The Governance of England ed Plummer, C. (Oxford 1885)Google Scholar; Literae Cantuarienses 3 ed Sheppard, J.B (RS 1889) pp 274 Google Scholar seq.

58 Koebner pp 30 seq. Sir Thomas Malory’s King Arthur claimed that by descent he had ‘right to claim the title of the empire’ and he ‘came into Rome, and was crowned emperor by the pope’s hand’ (Le Morte D’Arthur bk 5 caps 1 and 12).