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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
One of the most interesting of the classicizing friars appears to have remained undiscovered and unstudied to date. I know him from only one work, a collection of sermons or collationes, and that work from one anonymous manuscript. It may be that further research will succeed in identifying the author (which is a reason for publicizing the manuscript). From internal evidence and the script of the manuscript it is likely that he lived in the later thirteenth century or the first half of the fourteenth. Despite their anonymity, however, these curious Franciscan collationes have a freshness and individuality which makes them stand out from the mass of thirteenth and fourteenth century sermon collections. Taken as a whole, and aside from exempla, the sermon literature of this period ‘holds out small temptation to the mind that requires to be tempted to the study of Truth In order to give it its due, one must first learn the difficult grammar of its forms of thought, for in these sermon collections the ideas are organized in a manner different not only from our own but also from that of contemporary scholastic works (whose approach is relatively familiar after a century of scholarly effort). The sermon collection with which I am concerned in this paper differs from most others in that it meets the modern student halfway, as it were: it might have been written in order to answer the sort of questions historians now tend to ask about medieval attitudes. Here I am concerned with one question only: how did educated men of this period view the classical world? More specifically, how did they relate the classical world to their own time?
1 Birmingham University MS 6/iii/19. Benedikt Benedikz, keeper of mss. and rare books at the University Library, drew my attention to this manuscript. I am more than grateful to him. All quotations from the ms. are by permission of the University of Birmingham.
2 The following passage suggests that he was writing after the death of Manfred in 1266: ‘I am Aman mortuus est, qui omnes iudeos voluit interficere : id est, Fredericus vel eius filius Manfredus, qui disposuerat totam ecclesiam dissipare.’ Ibid. fo.xxxvvb. The tone may perhaps suggest that he was not writing too many decades after the fall of the Hohenstaufen. The script of the manuscript probably rules out a fifteenth century or late fourteenth century date (though Italian bookhands can be very conservative). The following passage raises some sort of presumption against the middle part of the century, when French arms were not conspicuously successful: ‘hunc modům servat hodie rex Francie, qui electissi (fo.clxiva) mam militiam habet . ..’ Ibid. fos.clxirb/va (I would not press this last argument too hard, however.)
3 Though Franciscan and described as collations by their author, these are not to be confused with the anonymous Franciscan collationes fratrum, for which see d’Avray, D., “Collectiones Fratrum” and “Collationes Fratrum”, AFH 70 (1977 pp 152-56Google Scholar. In fact the two sets of collationes would make an instructive contrast.
4 Pantin, W. A., ‘John of Wales and Medieval Humanism’, in Medieval Studies Presented to Aubrey Gwynn S.J., ed. Watt, J.A et al. (Dublin 1961), pp 297–319 Google Scholar.
5 Smalley, B., English Friars and Antiquity in the Early Fourteenth Century (Oxford 1960)Google Scholar. A ‘precise and delightful’ work as Oberman, Heiko justly called it. ‘Fourteenth Century Religious Thought: A Premature Profile’ Speculum LIII (1978) p 87 Google Scholar.
6 Pantin’s description. ‘John of Wales and Medieval Humanism’ p 304.
7 Ibid, p 305.
8 His classicizing tendencies, though undeniable, show themselves in some of the collationes only: they are by no means a constant feature.
9 From the following passage it is fairly clear that the author is Franciscan: ‘Audivi enim bonum [exemplum] a quodam fratte nostro in capitulo predicari: quod quidam fuit canonicus in Alamannia qui, ob devotionem quam habebat ad virginem, missam faciebat omni die sabbati decantari, ut divina gratia sibi ostendere dignaretur statum illum in quo plus observationem [observationem deleted in ms.] perfectionem observarct evangelicam; in diebus dominicis missam illam: Vias tuas domine demonstra michi et cetera faciebat etiam decantari. Quadam autem die habundantiori fervore succensus et prostratus ante ymagi-(fo.clxxxxviiva)nem crucifixi et deplorans vulnera lesu Christi, captus fuit supra se et a quodam iuvene ad pratum quoddam [ms. quidam] amenissimum est deductus, in quo erat mons altus, super quem erat claustrum pulcerrimum, omni amenitate et pulcritudine decoratum, floribus et arboribus exornatum. Specialiter erat in eo quedam arbor que frondosior, amenior, et altior ceteris videbatur. Erat etiam consertum spinis et vepribus pungitivis. Tunc ductor iuvenis canonico quem ducebat ait: Si vis claustrum intrare, oportet te spinas et vepres nudis pedibus conculcare, quas cum conculcaveris, non lederis. Spinas igitur illas cononicus pertransit nudis pedibus, nullam omnino sentiens lesionem. Cum autem fuisset in claustro, vidit super illam arborem quamdam [quandam?] pulcerrimam avem que sic canonico locuta est: Si vis istam arborem conscendere et de fructibus illius edere et vivere in eternum, vade per istam semitam et invenies quoddam hostuim ad quod custodes invenies qui te ducent super arbororem [sic]. Ivit canonicus, et ecce hostium invenit quod fratres minores custodire videbantur, qui ipsum recipientes super arborem conduxerunt. Gustato autem de fructu illius arboris, canonicus ad se reversus est . . .’ Birm. Univ. MS. 6/iii/19 fos. clxxxxviirb/va (The canon asked the Franciscans to receive him).
10 He often refers to Paris in the collationes. There is a particularly good example of fo-xii rb : ‘Cum enim essem Parisius narraverunt michi fratres per omnia fidedigni quod . ..’
11 ‘. . . Sed nonne videmus ad occulum quod guerre que sunt hodie in Lonbardia sunt propter appetitum honorum . . .’ fo.clxxxxviiira. For another reference to Lombardy see note 47 below.
12 ‘John of Wales and Medieval Humanism’ p 301.
13 ‘. . . the effect is to present them rather like a religious order.’ Ibid, p 300.
14 Smalley’s tr. of Armand’s remark: English Friars p 255 (& note 5).
15 ‘Secundo vita religiosa est vita antiqua et philosophyca. Inverno enim quod philosophy [ph’y in ms] ut [supply ad] philosophye apicem pervenirent, contempserunt mundanas divitias, carnis illecebras, et mundi honores et excellentias, viventes quasi in paupertate extrema et castitate et humilitate : quoniam Socrates servavit extremam paupertatem Birm.Univ.MS. 6/iii/19 fo.clxxxxviva. (philosophye apicem] There is an ‘a’ before philosophye. It may be expunctuated, though the mark is more probably a pro- sign attached to the ‘p’, which would imply a further scribal mistake.)
16 ‘Vis autem videre qualiter in antiquis resplenduit paupertas, lege epistolam Ieronimi ad Paulinum [ms. paululum] presbiterum, ubi dicit quod Crates [ms. erates] plebanus, dum Athenas pergeret ad philosophandum, [supply dum] esset in mari, quia secum de pecunia quam secum tulerat molestabat, [col.b.] proiecit pecuniam in mari [sic], dicens: abite, male pecunie. Malo enim vos perdere quam perire.’ Ibid. fo.clxxxxviva/vb (after presbiterum in ms. vis autem videre, deleted.)
17 The passage beginning: ‘Quam qualiter autem in ipsis viguit contemptus mundialium honorum . . .’ fo.cbcxxxvivb, and ending ‘“. . .si me vincerit, ad inforna descendam.’” fo.clxxxxviira. The Latin is corrupt.
18 Pantin gives the Latin in ‘John of Wales and Medieval Humanism’, p 316.
19 Ibid, p 297, also Smalley, English Friars, p 51. The hypothesis of personal influence is a speculation, and in any case the anonymous Franciscan could have been influenced by John’s writings.
20 ‘John of Wales and Medieval Humanism’ p 311.
21 Ibid., loc.cit.
22 Ibid. p 312.
23 This presupposes that the passages which appear to refer to city state politics were not topoi borrowed from some Northern European writer (John of Wales himself for example). Though my knowledge of John is not entirely second hand, I am not sufficiently well versed in his works to assert that a given passage cannot be traced back to him (nor, a fortiori, to any other non-Italian writer). Despite these reasons for caution, the tenor of the remarks about the contemporary situations is such that I would be astonished if they had a non-Italian origin.
24 ‘Res publica debet esse discreta et ordinata legum ac statutorum rectitudine regulante, unanimitate civium ad invicem connectente, fidelitate et amore ad patriam adiuvante, equitate proncipis aut rectoribus [sic!] regente, et Consilio virorum prudentium diri (fo.clviva) gente.’ Birm.Univ.MS 6/iii/19 fo. clvirb/va (A passage at the end of the collatio suggests that Consilio should perhaps be taken as ‘council’ rather than ‘consel’ : ‘Quinto res publica debet esse decorata concilio Virorum prudentium dirigente, quia at ait Sap. [prov.24,6]: Salus [in ms. salu or salv with the -us sign] autem ubi multa concilia [sic]. Quales autem debeant esse conciliarli. . .’ Ibid. fo.clviiivb.
25 ‘Unde dicit Tullius i.Reth. quod sicut dominus [dominus apparently expunctuated] medicus debet dare medicinam sanativam corporis, sic est putandum leges ad communem utilitatem rei publice institutas esse.’ Ibid. fo.clviva (After doing a search for passages including the word ‘medicus’ in Cicero’s writings (and the Ad Herennium), using concordances to his rhetorical and philosophical works, I have not succeeded in finding this passage, which is perhaps ‘pseudo-antique’. The nearest parallel that the search revealed is the passage beginning ‘Quare hanc oratoriam facultatem . . .’ in the De Inventione 1,6 (p 6b of E. Stroebel’s ed. (Teubner, Leipzig 1915).
26 ‘Tune autem sunt et erunt utiles quando sunt artantes ad henestatem et sanctitatem, non ad malitiam, sicut sunt leges modernorum, quibus precipitur quod pauperes propter caristiam expellantur, beneficia a viris re-[col.b] ligiosis subtrahantur, et similia; . . .’ Birm.Univ.MS 6/iii/19 fo.clviva/vb.
27 In fact the Regulus story is not completely relevant to the point it is illustrating. The author is arguing that the laws are utiles ‘quando sunt artantes ad augmentum rei publice, ut puta quando fiunt ad augmentum munerum, ad augmentum bonorum et statum [sic for status] ipsius, sicut fecerunt antiqui.’ Ibid.fo.clvivb.
28 This is the story told by Augustine, De Civitate Dei, Lib.I cap.xv. The anonymous Franciscan names the City of God as his source, but his wording is different from that of cap.xv: ‘Unde legitur in libro de civitate dei, quod cum Marcus Regulus ductus esset captivus ab [ms. ad !] Cartaginensibus et missus fuisset Romam, sub iuramento redeundi, pro commutatione captivorum, cum pervenisset Romam et verba commutationis in senatum retulisset, cum senatus requisisset ab eo si hoc romanis cederet in honorem, respondit: Scio quod mors michi imminet, sed de hoc non debetis curare, quia, cum sim senex, meo auxilio non amplius indigetis. Unde dico quod hec [ms hoc?] commutalo quamvis michi esset utilis, romanis autem non esset utilis, sed dampnosa, cum duces sapientissimos et fortissimes habeatis; et hiis dictis, ut promiserat rediit, quamquam sui amici conarentur ispsum tenere.’ Birm. Univ.MS 6/iii/io fo.clvivb.
29 The passage is worth quoting in full: ‘Sed non tales hodie instituuntur que faciant ad augmentum rei publice, sed potius ad ipsius diminutionem et vituperium, ut puta quando instituuntur quod suspecti confinentur, contrarli de parte expellantur, et domus et platia destrauntur, [f , clviira] ex quibus res publica mirabiliter diminuitur, debilitatur et dehoneratur, sicut apparet in magnis civitatibus, que quamdiu [ms. quamdui?!] [***] fuerunt in magno vigore et statu, quando fuerunt divise fuerunt in magno obprobio et confusione.—Quando etiam fiunt ad augmentandum et preservandum honorem civium, ut dicit Apostolus: In amore universa lex pendet et prophete. [Mt.22,40 !] Qui diligit proximum legem implevit.Ro. [Rom.13,8] Hiis autem temporibus fiunt leges et statuta ad rescindendum amorem, dum prohibentur matrimonia [ms. m‘i’a] contrahi inter duas partes et sermonem inter alias haberi.’ Ibid.fos.clvivb-clviira.
30 Waley, Daniel, The Italian City-Republics (2nd ed. London 1978) p 124 Google Scholar, (also p 121, & 124-6 passim). Opponents belonging to a different faction should be expelled’ would be my reading of ‘contrarli de parte expellantur’ (above, note 29), though one might conceivably take it to mean ‘opponents should be expelled from the party’.
31 Waley, Italian City Republics, p 116.
32 Ibid. p 124.
33 ‘. . . Testes sunt explusiones, homicidia, et castrorum, turrium, et domorum destruetiones.’ Birm.Univ. MS. 5/iii/19 fo.clviirb.
34 Waley, Italian City Republics pp 97-102, esp pp 101-2.
35 See above note 29: from “... ex quibus res publica mirabiliter diminuitur . . .’ ‘. . . opbrobrio et confusione.’
36 See above note 29: from ‘[laws are useful] Quando etiam fiunt ad augmentandum . . . honorem civium . . .’ to ‘. . . sermonem inter alias haberi.’
37 Waley, Italian City Republics p 98.
38 ‘Tertio res publica debet esse distincta et decorata fidelitate civium ad patriam et amore (ms. amorem) adiuvante.’ Birm.Univ.MS 6/iii/19 fo.clviiva (et decorata] repeated in ms.; in marg. ordinata : signs indicate that it should be inserted after distincta.)
39 Ibid. fo.clviiva.
40 Ibid. fo.clviiva/vb (‘sypio affricanus’ !).
41 ‘Turibioni constili romanorum’ Ibid., fo.clviivb. Cf. Valerii Maximi Factorum et Dictorum Memorabilitim Libri Novem, ed. Kempf, C. (Teubner, Leipzig 1888), Lib.iv, cap.iii,7, p 181 Google Scholar.
42 ‘. ... de Fabricio Lucio’ Birm.Univ.MS. 6/iii/19 fo.clviivb. Cf. Val.Max. ed Kempf Lib.iv, cap.iii,5, p 179-80.
43 Birm.Univ.MS. 6/iii/19 fo.clviivb—civilira. Cf. Val.Max. ed.Kempf Lib.iv, cap.iii,5, pp 179-80.
44 ‘Genophon’ Birm.Univ.MS 6/iii/19 fo.clviiiva. Cf. Val.Max. ed. Kempf Lib.v, cap.x, Ext.2 pp 269-70.
45 Cf. Ibid. Lib.iv, cap.iv,10, pp 191-2.
46 The text must be corrupt here but the general sense is clear.
47 ‘Unde ait idem Vallerius quod romani consules, quia in omnibus utilitatem rei publice intendebant, adeo erant pauperes ut ipsi moriebantur non inveniebantur unde ipsorum filie nuptiis traderentur, immo senatus eas honorifice maritabat. Sed modo non sic, quoniam nullus intendit seu procurat rei publice utilitatem aut honorem, quin immo destructionem et confusionem, quoniam si quis hodie posset lucrari 20 sol’, et mille [mille ms. Mt?.!] lib’, rem publicam deteriorare et dampnificare, propter [col.b] hoc non obmitteret; ut etiam aliquis possit facere quod suum concilium prevaleat quod vituperium patiatur [Before patiatur in ms. per, apparently expunctuated.] res publica, si curabit? Et ex hoc hodie destructe sunt civitates Lonbardie.’ Birm.Univ.MS. 6/iii/19 fo.clviiira/rb.