^{Page 58 of note 2} Hilda Johnstone, Edrvard of Carnarvon, 13. For discussion about the literacy of other contemporary prelates, see Kathleen, Edwards, ‘Bishops and learning in the reign of Edward II’, CQR, CXXXVIII (1944), 57–86 Google Scholar. For the same about rulers, see Galbraith, V. H., ‘The literacy of the medie val English kings’, in Proceedings of the British Academy, XXI (1935)Google Scholar. Of particular interest in the latter work is a note about the possibility that Edward II really did compose a rhymed Latin lament during the time of his captivity, (p. 33, n. 6).

^{Page 58 of note 3} Flores Historiarum, ed. Luard, H. R. (Rolls Series, no. 95). III, 155 Google Scholar; Vita Edwardi Secundi, ed. and transl. Denholm-Young, N. Y., London 1957, 45 Google Scholar; >Chronicon de Lanercost, ed. Stevenson, J., Maitland and Bannatyne Clubs, Edinburgh 1839, 222 Google Scholar; The Chronicle of Lanercost, transl. Maxwell Glasgow, H. E. 1913, 202-3Google Scholar.

^{Page 59 of note 1} Hook, W. F., Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, London 1860-76, III, 455 Google Scholar.

^{Page 59 of note 2} Tout, T. F., in DNB, 1896 ed., XLVIII, 80 Google Scholar; no significant change in the 1909 re-issue, XVI, 966.

^{Page 59 of note 3} T. L. Hogan, ‘The Memorandum Book of Henry of Eastry, prior of Christ Church Canterbury’, London Ph. D. 1966, 267, quoted by permission of the author.

^{Page 59 of note 4} Edwards, , op. cit., 57, 62-5, 85-6Google Scholar.

^{Page 59 of note 5} He is not in Dr Emden’s registers for Oxford or Cambridge.

^{Page 59 of note 6} Johnstone, op. cit., 20-1; cf. Registrum Ade de Orleton Episcopi Herefordensis, ed. A. T. Bannister, Cantilupe Society and Canterbury and York Society, 1908, 4.

^{Page 60 of note 1} Edwards, op. cit., 69-71.

^{Page 60 of note 2} Transcribed here (and printed, with acknowledgement of crown copy right, by permission of the Controller of H. M. Stationery Office) from PRO SC6/1128/7; it is repeated, with only minor variations, in SC6/1128/8 and E372/173/44. In the first and last of these accounts values are assigned to the books, the highest being £ 8 for the Bible in three volumes. All the books were apparently sold to Archbishop Mepham in 1328, and I have been unable to locate any of them surviving today. I am indebted to Professor F. Wormald for assistance with some of the identifications.

^{Page 60 of note 3} Possibly the Chronicle of Martinus (Strepus) Polonus, archbishop of Gniezno. ( Manitius, M., Geschichte der Lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, Munich 1931, III, 408-11)Google Scholar.

^{Page 60 of note 4} See Cary, G., The Medieval Alexander, Cambridge 1956 Google Scholar.

^{Page 60 of note 5} The ‘Anticlaudianus’ was an allegorical and didactic metric poem over 6000 verses in length by Alanus de Insulis (died 1202). Not unlike Dante, it was a medieval counterpart of the poem of Claudian against Rufinus. (Manitius, op. cit., III, 797 seq.). At least 32 MSS. of it are known in England. ( Talbot, C. H., ‘A list of Cistercian manuscripts in Great Britain,’ Traditio VIII (1952), 403-4Google Scholar.) See also Marie-Thérèse, d’Alverny, Alain de Lille: Textes inédits, avec une introduction sur sa vie et ses oeuvres, Paris 1965 Google Scholar; Boussat, R., ed., Alain de Lille: Anticlaudianus: Texte critique avec une introduction et des tables, Paris 1955 Google Scholar; Cilento, V., Alano di Lilla, Poeta e Teologo del sec. XII, Naples 1958 Google Scholar; and p. 184 of de Lage, R., Alain de Lille, poète du XIIe siècle, Montreal 1951 Google Scholar.

^{Page 60 of note 6} Possibly by Giraldus Cambrensis.

^{Page 61 of note 1} The De vita Christiana ad sororem suam viduam was a spurious work of St Augustine. (Migne, Patrologiae, Series Latina, XL, col. 1031 seq., esp. cap. 15).

^{Page 61 of note 2} For the Brut legend, see Taylor, J., ‘The French ‘Brut’ and the reign of Edward II’, EHR, LXXII (1957), 423-37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{Page 61 of note 3} For the ‘descripcio candelabri’ see Moore, P. S., The Works of Peter of Poitiers, Notre Dame (Indiana) 1936, 97–117, 188-96Google Scholar.

^{Page 61 of note 4} The branches of coral and the jasper knives may indicate at least a mild interest in sorcery of some sort.

^{Page 61 of note 5} This ‘gesta Britann’ may be one of the MSS. of Geoffrey of Monmouth, History of the Britons, now in Lambeth Palace. ( Sayers, Jane E., ‘The medieval care and custody of the archbishop of Canterbury’s archives’, BIHR, XXXIX (1966), 101 Google Scholar).

^{Page 61 of note 6} Emden, A. B., A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A. D. 1500, Oxford 1957-9, III, 2059 Google Scholar.

^{Page 62 of note 1} Cant. Cath. MS. Cart. Ant. A14. None of Reynolds’s other books are mentioned in his testament or will except his large and his small breviaries and his two small missals.

^{Page 62 of note 2} Haines, R. M., The Administration of the Diocese of Worcester in the First Half of the Fourteenth Century, London 1965, 206, n. 8 Google Scholar. Haines here observes that Miss Edwards’ statement in CQR, CXXXVIII, 79, that Reynolds issued 156 licenses is mistaken, a mistake that is also repeated in Pantin, W. A., The English Church in the Fourteenth Century, Cambridge 1955, 39, n. 2 Google Scholar. The origin of this mistake can be seen in Miss Edwards’ thesis, ‘The Personnel and Political Activities of the English Episcopate during the Reign of Edward II’, London M. A. 1938, 477, where her origi nal computation gave the figure 156 as the total years of absence rather than the total of licenses granted.

^{Page 63 of note 1} Lambeth Palace MS. Register of Archbishop Reynolds (hereafter abbreviated RR), ff. 121v-122.

^{Page 63 of note 2} RR ff. 56, 122.

^{Page 63 of note 3} RR f. 121 v; Liber Ecclesiae Wigorniensis, ed. Bloom, J. H., Wore. Hist. Soc., 1912, IX, 39, 40 Google Scholar; not mentioned in Haines, op. cit., 240, 247, passim.

^{Page 63 of note 4} RR f. 194. Merton is described as ‘domus vestra et nostra’.

^{Page 63 of note 5} Cant. Cath. MS. Reg. L, ff. 157, 160v; Literae Cantuarienses, ed. J. B. Sheppard (Rolls Series, no. 85), nos. 248, 255; Hist. MSS. Com., Ninth Report, I, app., 97; Emden, Oxford, op. cit., III, 1466.

^{Page 63 of note 6} Salter, H. E., Pantin, W. A., and Richardson, H. G., eds., Formularies Which Bear on the History of Oxford, Oxford Historical Society n. s. vols. 4 and 5, Oxford 1942, I, 3–79 Google Scholar; RR f. 85v; Jean XXII: Lettres communes analysées d’après les registres dits d’Avignon et du Vatican, ed. Mollat, G., Paris 1904-47, nos. 5787, 5834Google Scholar; Rymer, T., Foedera, London, Rec. Com., 1816-69, II: I, 178, 198, 305 Google Scholar; Emden, , Oxford, op. cit., II, 1181 Google Scholar; Powicke, F. M. and Cheney, C. R., eds., Councils and Synods II, Oxford 1964, II, 1357 Google Scholar; Rashdall, H., The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Powicke, F. M. and Emden, A.B., London 1936, III, 72-4Google Scholar.

^{Page 63 of note 7} RR ff. 98v seq., 101; Wilkins, D., Concilia, London 1737, II, 499 Google Scholar; Roth, C., A History of the Jews in England, Oxford 1964, 145 Google Scholar; Roth, C., ‘Jews in Oxford after 1290’, Oxoniensia, XV (1950), Oxford 1952, 63 and n. 1 Google Scholar. The decree of Vienne, Inter Sollicitudines, may be found in Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, ed. J. Alberigo et. al., Freiburg im Breisgau 1962, 355-6, and in H. J. Schroeder, ed., Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils, St. Louis (Missouri) 1937, 395-7 (English), and 615-16 (Latin).

^{Page 64 of note 1} M. Robert de Bridlington; RR f. 109. This incident is not mentioned in Emden, , Oxford, op. cit., I, 265 Google Scholar, under either clerk of the name.

^{Page 64 of note 2} ‘que rudes erudii et debiles efficit virtuosos’; ‘que velud fertilitatis ager fructus profert uberes, in quo grana sciencie colliguntur, virique producuntur virtutum variet ate fecundi’. Salter, et al., Formularies, op. cit., I, nos. 36, 41Google Scholar. In this and most other quotations from Reynolds, the question must be left open whether his words were really his own or were composed or copied by one of his household scribes.

^{Page 64 of note 3} RR f. 70; Wilkins, , Concilia, II, 455-6Google Scholar. ‘ita quod tarn nobilis ecclesia non cogatur pro lectore aliena suffragia mendicare’—probably a reference to the succession of Franciscan lecturers.

^{Page 65 of note 1} Cant. Cath. MS. Cart. Ant. C1294b; Literae Cantuarienses, op. cit., no. 49; Hist. MSS. Com., Fifth Report, app., 447; Pantin, The English Church, op. cit., 118. The text of the letter is printed on p. 341 of Registrum Hamonis Hethe, Diocesis Roffensis, ed. C. Johnson, Canterbury and York Society, 1914-48: ‘Inter cuntas solicitudines nostris humeris incumbentes, summa solicitudine captamus ut in sacra pagina legencium excitetur cura et studendi fervor amplietur; ut ex hoc fructus uberes in dei ecclesia proveniant tempore oportuno. Et quoniam omnes absque delectu etatis naturaliter scire desideramus, testante eloquentissimo Juliano, qui dicit, “Et si pedem haberem in tumulo, adhuc addiscere vellem”, singuli nostros lectores et doctores per quos instruimur, racionaliter debemus venerari. Hii enim skuti stelle celi noctis densitate non extinguntur, sic inherentes sancte scripture firmamento, per ipsosque imbuendos nullis hereticorum ymaginacionibus cavellosis et falsis permittunt obfuscari; siqeue fides incontaminata splendet, Christianorum ritus pulidat, et crucis Christi inimici exterminantur confusi’ Professor F. Wormald suggests that the ‘most eloquent Julian’ may be Julian of Toledo or Julian of Le Mans. See Daniel, xii, 3.

^{Page 65 of note 2} RR ff. 125, 198v; Cambridge, Trinity College, MS. R. 5. 41, f. 124v; Wharton, H., ed., Anglia Sacra, London 1691, 1, 367 Google Scholar; The Chronicle of Lanercost, op. cit., 255; Maude V., Clarke, Medieval Representation and Consent, London 1936, 179, 184.Google Scholar

^{Page 65 of note 3} RR ff. 66v, 115v, 154v, 272; Wilkins, , Concilia, II, 453 Google Scholar.

^{Page 65 of note 4} RR ff. 66v, 106, 106v, 108v, 272v; Wilkins, , Concilia, II, 445-6, 453Google Scholar; Cant. Cath. MS. Eastry Correspondence, VII, 6.

^{Page 65 of note 5} One example, RR f. 273: ‘Legere et non intelligere sit necligere . . . lecta necligantur non intellecta’. For a similar quotation, see p. 511 of A Calendar of the Register of Wolstan de Bransford, Bishop of Worcester 1339-49, ed. Haines, R. M., London 1966 Google Scholar. I owe this reference to Dr Haines.

^{Page 65 of note 6} RRf. 212; Wilkins, , Concilia, II, 435 Google Scholar; Cal Pap. Lett., II, 121; Regestum Clementis Papae V, ed. Benedictines of Monte Cassino, Rome 1885-92, no. 10151.

^{Page 66 of note 1} RR f. 218; Wilkins, , Concilia, II, 470 Google Scholar; Cal. Pap. Lett., II, 430-1; ‘reducendis sen transferendis de Latino in Gallicum.’

^{Page 66 of note 2} RR f. 273. On the use of French by bishops in their dealings with nuns in the fourteenth century, see Mary Dominica, Legge, Anglo-Norman in the Cloisters, Edinburgh 1950, 48-9Google Scholar.

^{Page 66 of note 3} D. C. L.: M. John de Badesley, M. Thomas de Chartham, M. Adam Murimouth, M. Benedict de Paston, M. Robert de Redeswell, M. John de Ros; D. Cn. L.: M. Adam Orleton; D. Cn. and C. L.: M. William de Knapton; D. M.: M. Simon Moene. The other two were M. William de Duffield and M. Robert de Norton. For most of these persons see Emden, , Oxford, op. cit., I, 601 Google Scholar; II, 1287, 1329-30, 1375, 1402-4; III, 1433-4,1590-1, 2209; and Emden, , A Biographical Register of the University of Cambridge to 1500, Cambridge 1963, 340 Google Scholar.

Badesley and Chartham are not listed in Emden’s registers, but they are consistently designated by their academic doctoral titles in Reynolds’s Lambeth register.

^{Page 66 of note 4} Cant. Cath MS. Eastry Correspondence, I, 57; v, 29.

^{Page 66 of note 5} Cant. Cath. MS. Miscellaneous Accounts, I, ff. 258v, 265.

^{Page 67 of note 1} DNB, 1896 ed., XLVIII, 77. The letter of John XXII to Reynolds in 1317 suggesting that the addressee was ‘velati cants mutus latrare non valens aut forte non volens’ (cf. Isaiah, lvi, 10) is not to be taken for a serious personal reference to Reynolds himself, as copies were also sent to several other bishops and substantially the same letter was sent to Bishop Orleton of Hereford in 1320. (RR f. 24lv (displaced, and concluded on f. 216); Cant. Cath. MS. Reg. I, f. 362; Hist. MSS. Com. ,Eighth Report, app., 354; Lambeth MS. 1213, ff. 104-104v; Bodleian MS. Kent Charters 88a II; Registrum Ade de Orleton, op. cit., 47-9; Cal. Pap. Lett., II, 437). In 1322 the author of the Flores Historiarum (III, 209) described the prelates of the entire realm as ‘canes muti non valentes, immo vertus nolentes, latrare’.

^{Page 67 of note 2} Edwards, , op. cit., 71, 74 Google Scholar; Emden, , Oxford, op. cit., III, 2057-9Google Scholar; Smith, C. H., ‘Some aspects of the scholastic career of Archbishop Winchelsey’, Dominican Studies, VI (1953), 101-26Google Scholar.

^{Page 67 of note 3} Edwards, , op. cit., 57, n. 2 Google Scholar.

^{Page 68 of note 1} Emden, , Oxford, op. cit., I, 450-1Google Scholar; Cambridge, op. cit., 145-6.

^{Page 68 of note 2} III, 154-5.

^{Page 68 of note 3} Edwards, op. cit.; Pantin, The English Church in the Fourteenth Century, op. cit., 42-3. Beaumont of Durham, Burghersh of Lincoln, and Greenfield of York are among Reynolds’s contemporaries who have already been redeemed to some extent in this way.