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The Socialist Commitment in Karl Barth

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

W. R. Ward*
Affiliation:
University of Durham

Extract

The young Karl Barth is not an easy man to assess. It is not just that he covered a major theological revulsion by violent polemics, nor even that in the second world war he became a cult figure with hard-pressed protestants everywhere, overwhelmed by the need to save their churches from the destructive compromises of the church leaders, and subsequently, more briefly, a cult figure with a new theological establishment. More recently the young Karl Barth has been the victim of disputes over the uses to which Barthianism can be put. In the German student revolt the need to unify thought and action in politics and theology exposed a generation gap; a burning concern to many theological students, it embarrassed many of their teachers. At the Kirchliche Hochschule in Berlin, a bastion of Barthianism, Friedrich-Wilhelm Marquardt, a pupil of Hellmut Gollwitzer, sought to bridge the gap by showing that from beginning to end the core of Barth’s theology was a socialist commitment. (The first paragraph of this book reads starkly, ‘Karl Barth was Socialist’.) The perspective first opened by the student movement was confirmed by Marquardt’s editorial work on Barth’s Safenwil remains, and especially on forty three socialist speeches. Marquardt worked out his view systematically in a Habilitationschrift which was rejected at the Kirchliche Hochschule as unwissenschaftlich. Gollwitzer made a public scene, got the book published, and took the whole argument further in a long essay of his own. The clinching evidence (if diat is what it really is) of the speeches is not available under the terms on which Karl Barth’s unpublished remains are being edited until the volume in which they are to be incorporated is published. Yet most of the voluminous material ever likely to be available for the young Barth is now in print, and it is worth examining in its own right, as distinct from being expounded in the light of the Church Dogmatics with Marquardt.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1978

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References

1 Marquardt, [F.-W.], [Theologie und Sozialismus, Das Beispiel Karl Barths] (Munich 1972) P 39.Google Scholar

2 Gollwitzer, [Helmut], [Reich Gottes und Sozialismus bei Karl Barth], Theologische Existenz heute no 169 (Munich 1972).Google Scholar

3 Steigerwald, Robert, Marxismus-Religion-Gegenwart ([East] Berlin 1973) p 157.Google Scholar

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6 Ibid pp 117-18, 293-4: Gollwitzer p 30: Brunner, E. and Barth, K., Natural theology (London 1946): Barth, Dogmatics 2/1 p 141.Google Scholar

7 Marquardt p 192.

8 [K. Barth, , Gesamtausgabe 5] Barth-Thurneysett Briefwechsel (Zurich 1973-4) 1, pp 45.Google Scholar

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11 Barth-Thumeysen Briefwechsel 1, p 30, partly translated into English in Smart, [J. D.], [Revolutionary theology in the making] (London 1964) p 28.Google Scholar

12 Ibid 1 p 122, Smart p 36.

13 Ibid i pp 98, 208, 223, 227, 229 (Smart p 42), 230 (Smart pp 42-3—included in wrong letter) 233.

14 Ibid 1 p 271, Smart p 44 (This paragraph is misleading as it does not indicate the omission of two sentences).

15 Ibid 1 p 327.

16 Ibid 1 p 335, compare [K. Barth and E. Thurneysen], Suchet Gott, [so werdet ihr ¡eben] (2 ed Zoliikon 1928) p 64: ‘We [that is, sinful men] are President “Wilson and would like to proclaim peace to half the world—and have ourselves to set the other half alight.’

17 [K. Barth, Gesamtausgabe i] Predigten 1914 p 168: Suchet Gott, p 102. Barth was prepared to explain the strike when it was all over: Barth - Thumeysen Briefwechsel 1 p 321.

18 Ibid 1 p 302.

19 Ibid 1 pp 196, 201–2, 205, 214–16, 300, 307, 320, 327.

20 Ibid 1 pp 221, 303, 323.

21 Ibid 1 pp 5-7.

22 Thurneysen, E., ‘Ethik und Politik in ihrem gegenseitigen Verhältnis bei Friedrich Naumann’, Centrałblatt des Schweizerischen Zoßngervereins 21 (Basel? 1910-11) pp 138-60.Google Scholar

23 Barth-Thurneysen Briefwechsel 1 pp 25, 72, 167, 324, 404. In the secular Russian tradition revolution was transformed from being the means to an end into a way of life—Theodor Schieder, Staat und Gesellschaft im Wandel unserer Zeit (3 ed Munich 1974) PP 42-6; it was fitting that theologians given to equating resurrection and revolution should turn back to the Russian religious tradition. On the theological and political debate on revolution in Russia, see Wielenga, Bastiaan, Lenins Weg zur Revolution. Eine Konfrontation mit Sergei Bulgakov und Petr Struve im Interesse einer theologischen Besinnung (Munich 1971).Google Scholar

24 Predigten 1914 pp 38, 42, 591.

25 Ibid pp 435-6. Compare pp 526, 531.

26 For example Suchet Gott p 65.

27 Ibid p 93.

28 Ibid pp 133-4, 150.

29 Ibid pp 170-2.

30 jun, Hermann Kutter, Herman Kutters Lebenswerk (Zürich 1965) p 63 Google Scholar. Compare Barth-Thurneysen Briefwechsel 1 p 339.

31 Ibid 1 p 41.

32 Marquardt pp 126-7.

33 Ibid pp 126-41.

34 Barth, K., Der Rõmabrief (1 ed Bern 1919) p 375.Google Scholar

35 Ibid p 376.

36 Ibid pp 377-8, 381-2, 384, 386.

37 Ibid pp 379, 380–1, 382, 388, 391.

38 Ibid pp 387-90.

39 Ibid pp 381, 391.

40 Given, September 1919; published, 1920. Conveniently reprinted in [Anfänge der dia- lectischen Theologie, ed J.] Moltmann (Munich 1962-3). The fact that the English translation of Moltmann— Robinson, James M., The beginnings of dialectical theology (Richmond, Va., 1968)—omits the piece gives some colour to Marquardt’s charge that a theological Barth has been invented ex eventu. Google Scholar

41 Moltmann 1 pp 15-16.

42 Ibid 1 pp 6, 8.

43 Ibid 1 pp 21, 28.

44 Ibid I pp 32-4, 36.

45 Marquardt p 142.

46 Barth - Thurneysen Briefwechsel 1 pp 364-5. The paper was first published in Zwischen den Zeiten, 2 (Munich 1923) and republished in Moltmann 2, pp 221 seq, and Thurneysen, E. Das Wort Gottes und die Kirche. Aufsätze und Vorträge (Munich 1971) PP 159 seq Google Scholar

47 Moltmann 2, pp 233-4. This may be what Thurneysen meant when late in life he said that Barth’s socialism was to be understood theologically. Thurneysen, [E.], [Karl Barth, ‘Theologie und Sozialismus’ in den Briefen seiner Frühzeit] (Zürich 1973) p 31.Google Scholar

48 Barth - Thurneysen Briefwechsel 1 pp 402, 404, 430, 449 (compare p 453).

49 Ibid 1 p 436.

50 Busch pp 117-18, 120, 131: Barth-Thurneysen Briefwechsel i pp 454, 486, 493, 495–6. Lieb (1892-1970) became a professor of systematic theology at Bonn 1931 (dismissed 1933) and Basel 1937. During the second world war he was connected with the French resistance movement to which he dedicated the French translation of his book, Russland Unterwegs (Bern 1945: translations into French, Dutch and Czech) advocating a positive approach to the Soviet Union. In 1947 he received a chair in East European church history at Berlin.

51 Barth, K., Der Rämerbrief. Zweite Auflage in neuer Bearbeitung (Munich 1922) p 462 Google Scholar. As the text did not change in subsequent editions it is convenient to use the English translation made by Sir Hoskyns, Edwyn from the 6 ed, Barth, Karl, The Epistle to the Romans (London 1972) pp 4.768.Google Scholar

52 Ibid pp 480-4.

53 Ibid pp 487-8, 491-2.

54 Barth-Thumeysen Briefwechsel 2, pp 146-7, Eng tr Smart p 136.

55 Barth, Karl, Letzte Zeugnisse (Zürich 1969) p 43 Google Scholar. Thumeysen (p 8) says Barth achieved a real understanding of politics only after he went to Germany.

56 Marquardt p 45; Gollwitzer pp 8-10. Compare Busch p 162.

57 H. Gollwitzer in Marquardt, p 8.

58 Barth, K., Gesamtausgabe 5, Karl BarthRudolph Bultmann Briefwechsel, ed Jaspert, B. (Zürich 1971) pp 245.Google Scholar

59 A useful commentary is Daniel Cornu, Karl Barth et la Politique (Geneva 1967).

60 Since this paper was delivered Ulrich Dannemann has published his Theologie und Politik im Denken Karl Barths (Munich 1977) in which he confirms the view here taken of the young Barth’s inadequacies as a political thinker, but attempts to sustain Mar-quardt’s main line of argument by ascribing them to Barth’s theological immaturity.