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Nationalism as a factor in anti-Chalcedonian feeling in Egypt

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

W. H. C. Frend
W. H. C. Frend*
Affiliation:
University of Glasgow
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Extract

The writer of the History of the Patriarchs preserves an interesting tradition concerning the attitude of the monks of the monastery of Metras towards the Monophysite patriarch Benjamin (619–661/5)’ during the reign of the emperor Heraclius. ‘The inmates,’ we are told, ‘were especially powerful.’ They were Egyptians (Miswrani) by race, all natives, and there was no stranger among them. Therefore, Heraclius could not make their hearts pliant, and therefore they received Apa Benjamin when he returned from Upper Egypt, because they kept the orthodox (that is, Monophysite) faith and did not deviate from it’. Other monasteries might bow to ‘Heraclius the heretic’, but not they.

Type
Research Article
Information
Studies in Church History , Volume 18: Religion and National Identity , 1982 , pp. 21 - 38
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1982

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References

1 The year of Benjamin’s death is usually given as 661. For the alternative of 665, see, Detlef, C. G., Müller, Le Muséon, 69 (Munich 1956) pp 313 seq. Google Scholar

2 Severus of Ashmounein, History of the Patriarchs, ed Evetts, B., PO 1, 2 (Paris 1907) cap 14, p 498 Google Scholar.

3 John of Nikiou, Chronicle, ed Charles, R.H. (London 1916) cap 121, 1Google Scholar.

4 Theophilus of Alexandria, ed Fleisch, H., ‘Une Homélie de Théophile d’Alexandrie,’ Revue de l’Orient chrétienne, 30 (Paris 1935-6) pp 374-5Google Scholar.

5 See Diesner, H. J., Der Untergang der römischen Herrschafi in Nordafrika, (Weimar 1964) pp 107-10Google Scholar.

6 Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, ed Chabot, J. (Paris 1901) 8, 14, p 122 Google Scholar.

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8 James of Serug, ‘Letter of James of Serug to the monks of the Monastery of Mar Bassus’, cited from Vasiliev, A., Justin the First (Dumbarton Oaks 1930) p 234 Google Scholar, who translates the relevant passage James was loyal to Justin, telling the Monophysite Christians of southern Arabia that ‘we Romans live quietly under Christian kings’ and was full of praise for their sacrifices under hostile rulers.

9 The text of their letter to Justinian is given in Zacharias Rhetor, HE, ed Brooks, E. W., CSCO, SS 3, 6, ix, 15, pp 79–84 Google Scholar;

10 The title of Jones, A. H. M.’ fine study, ‘Were ancient heresies national or social movements in disguise’, JTS, ns10 (1959) pp 281-98Google Scholar. For the opposite view see Woodward, E. L., Christianity and Nationalism in the Later Roman Empire (London, 1916)Google Scholar and more moderately by Maspero, J., Histoire des patriarches d’Alexandrie depuis la mort de l’empereur Anastase jusqu’à la reconciliation des églises Jacobites (Paris 1923) pp 518–616 Google Scholar.

11 Such as Horappolon, the fifth-century authority on hieroglyphs and Alexandrian antiquities. See Bell, H. I., Egypt from Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest (Oxford 1948) p 148 Google Scholar.

12 Eusebius, , Martyrs of Palestine, ed and trans Lawlor, H. and Oulton, H. (London, 1954) 8.1 Google Scholar. Antony had no use for the legacy of the religious past of Egypt, see V[ita] A[ntonii] 79, PG 26 (1854) col 952c.

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21 Sozomen, HE, 6, 40.

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24 See). Leipoldt, , ‘Schenute von Atripe,’ Texte und Untersuchungen xxv Leipzig 1904, p 86 Google Scholar, and compare Leipoldt’s assessment, ibid p 74, ‘Nirgends habe ich auch eine Anspielung gefunden an den Grundgedanken griecischer Frommigheit, der Mensch werde durch den Logos vergothet.’

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26 Michael the Syrian. [Chronicle], 8, 7, ed. Chabot, J., 2, p 31 Google Scholar. For a contemporary western view of Dioscorus’ ambitions, see Prosper, Tiro, Chronicon ad annum 449 —’In quo concilio Dioscorus episcopus primatum sibi vindicans . . . ’ PL 51 (1854) col 601CGoogle Scholar.

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28 See Athanasius’ letter which was read at the third session of the council of Chalcedon. Dioscorus was alleged to have refused to send corn to Cyrenaica and to have sold it instead at a large profit for his own benefit. ACO 2, 1, 2, p 17 (Mansi 6, cols 1021 seq).

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30 Zacharias, Rhetor, HE, 3, 2 Google Scholar, compare Evagrius, , HE 2, 5 Google Scholar, quoting an eyewitness account by Priscus of Paniou.

31 So, John Rufus writing C 500, Plerophoria 38 and 39, ed F. Nau, PO3 (1912).

32 John, Rufus, Vita Petri Iberii, ed Raabe, R. (Leipzig 1895) pp 59–62 Google Scholar.

33 Zacharias Rhetor, HE, 3, 11—Marciani regis minas timuerunt.

34 Ibid 5, 1-2. Compare, Evagrius, HE, 3, 3-8, and Theodore Lector, HE, 1. 30.

35 Michael the Syrian, 9, 5, p 144.

36 Zacharias Rhetor, HE, 5, 2. Evagrius’ text, HE, 3, 4, omits any reference to ‘the two Councils at Ephesus’.

37 Zacharias Rhetor HE, 5, 3, Evagrius HE, 3, 5 and 6.

38 Zacharias Rhetor HE, 5, 10. Compare Evagrius, HE, 3, 17 (Peter Mongus): Zacharias HE, 7, 1. Athanasius 2,(490-6) ‘freely and openly cursed the Tome and synod’, yet remained in communion with Constantinople.

39 Liberatus, , ed Schwartz, E., ACO, 2, 5 Google Scholar, [Breviarium], 17, 122. Compare Zacharias Rhetor HE 6, 1-2, and Michael the Syrian, 9, 6, p 153.

40 On the survival of the Meletians and Acephaloi in late sixth century Egypt, the latter in much straitened circumstances, see History of the Patriarchs, 1, cap 14, ed Evetts, B., PO 1 (1907) p 473 Google Scholar.

41 Zacharias Rhetor, HE, 6, 1 and 7, 1, and compare Liberatus, 18, 128. Probably no bishop in office between 484 and 518 rejected the Henotikon of Zeno.

42 On Apion’s Monophysitism, see the statement of his son, the Comes Strategius to the Severan bishops convoked to the capital by Justinian for theological conferences in 532-3. Letter of Innocentius of Maronia in Schwartz ACO, 4, 2. p 170. Apion’s descendants were also anti-Chalcedonian.

43 Severus, Letter 46 to Hippocrates in 516, A Collection of Letters ed Brooks, E. W., PO, 12, 2 (1854) p 318 Google Scholar.

44 Theophanes, Chronicon A. M. 6001.

45 See the full account of the affair given in Stein, E., Histoire du Bas-Empire (Paris/Bruxelles/Amsterdam 1949) 2, p 164 Google Scholar, based on the accounts of Theodore Lector, Theophanes and Malalas.

46 Malalas, , Chronicon, Bonn, ed p 401 Google Scholar.

47 The vast controversial correspondence between Severus and Julian while both were in exile in Alexandria is now published by R. Hespel, in CSCO 104-5, 124-7 and 136 (1964, 1968 and 1971).

48 Liberatus 20, 143.

49 Severus, , The Sixth Book, Select Letters, ed Brooks, E.W 5, 11, p 328 Google Scholar.

50 Note Severus’ reported comment on Justinian’s religious policy before he left for Constantinople in 534/5, ‘Don’t be deceived. In the lifetime of these emperors no means of peace will be found, but so that I do not hinder or oppose it, I will go, though with heartsearchings. I will return without anything accomplished’. From John of Ephesus, Lives of Five Patriarchs, ed Brooks, E.W, PO 18 (1854) p 687 Google Scholar.

51 Optatus of Milevis, De Schismate Donatistarum ed Ziwsa, C., CSEL, 26 (1923) 3,3Google Scholar.

52 Note the friendly tone of the synodical letters exchanged between Anthimus and Theodosius in 535/6. Reproduced in Michael the Syrian, 9, 25.

53 On the distribution of Chalcedonian strength in Egypt at the end of the sixth century see Hardy, [E. R.], [Christian Egypt: Church and people (New York/Oxford 1952)] p 163 Google Scholar.

54 For Chalcedonian communities in the Delta in the seventh century see History of the Patriarchs, 1, cap 15, ed Evetts, B., PO 5 (1910) pp 18–19 Google Scholar.

55 See Goodchild, R. G.’s assessment of the situation in Cyrenaica in ‘Byzantines, Berbers and Arabs in 7th century Libya, Antiquity 41 (1967) pp 119–122 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

56 History of the Patriarchs, 1, cap 13 p 467.

57 Michael the Syrian, 9, 29, pp 243-4.

58 For Severus’ motives in permitting ordinations for a separate Orthodox’ (Mono-physite) hierarchy, see John of Ephesus, Lives of the Eastern Saints (Life of John of Tella), ed Brooks, E. W., Patrologia Orientalis, PO 18 (1923) pp. 516-18Google Scholar.

59 John of Epherus HE ed E. W. Brooks, 3, 4.12. Peter died in January 578.

60 Shenute, Sermo 22, 3, ed H. Wiesmann (Paris 1931) CSCO, SC, 2, 4, p 39.

61 Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1900. See Hardy, p 165.

62 History of the Patriarchs, 1, cap 14, p 472.

63 See Detlef, [C. Müller, G.], [‘Die Koptische Kirche zwischen Chalkedon und dem Arabereinmarsch’], ZKC, 4 series, 13 (1964) pp 271–308, at p 295 Google Scholar.

64 History of the Patriarchs, 1, cap 14, p 472. The patriarch Peter IV (576-8) resided at the Enaton monastery.

65 See Bell, H. I., ‘An Egyptian Village in the Age of Justinian’, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 64 (London 1944) pp 21–36 Google Scholar.

66 See Müller, p 284.

67 Michael the Syrian, 10, 26, pp 385-6.

68 Chronicon Edessenum, ed I. Guidi (Paris 1903) CSCO 3, 4, p 22.

69 Pisentios, cited from Amélineau, E., Vie d’un évêque de Keft au VIIe siècle, ‘Etude sur le christianisme en Egypte au Vii, siècle’ (Paris 1887) p 30 Google Scholar.

70 On the Coptic memories of Cyrus ‘the Caucasian’, see History of the Patriarchs, 1, cap 14, pp 491-2, and on his pro-Chalcedonian leanings despite his acceptance of the emperor’s Monoenergist compromise, see his first letter to the patriarch Sergius of Constantinople, Mansi 11, col 561.

71 For a graphic description of the utter confusion occasioned by the Arab invasions see the Chronicle of John of Nikiou, ed and Eng tr R. Charles, caps 118-119, written с 680. John regards the Arab invasion as a calamity, a judgment of God on Heraclius for perverting orthodoxy.

72 See Photiades, P. J., ‘A semi-Greek, semi-Coptic Parchment’, Klio 4 (Athens 1963) pp 234-5Google Scholar.

73 History of the Patriarchs, 1, Cap 14, pp 491-2.