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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
In 1228 Gregory IX dispatched as his legate to the Spanish Peninsula the Paris theologian and Cardinal-Bishop of Sabina, John of Abbeville: the first legate sent there since before the Fourth Lateran Council and the last to come during the entire thirteenth century in the cause of ecclesiastical reform. During his stay, which lasted for some fifteen months, he held at least three councils, but of only one of these—the Lérida Council of March 1229—have the statutes come down to us intact. Though he visited Portugal as well as Castile and Aragon, this brief communication is concerned only with John’s impact on the Castilian and Aragonese Churches during the central years of the century, and with a summary consideration of the quite different reception which John’s reform programme received in each place.
The text of this communication has been left almost exactly as it was delivered at the Conference. A fuller account of the subject will be found in ch. 2–5 of my doctoral dissertation published as The Spanish Church and the Papacy in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge 1971). For the text of the Summa, see P. A. Linehan, ‘Pedro de Albalat, arzobispo de Tarragona y su Summa Septem Sacramentorum’ in Hispania Sacra, xxii (1969), 9–30.
Page No 101 Note 2 For John’s, career and writings, see Histoire littéraire de la France, XVIII (Paris 1835), 162-77Google Scholar; Stegmüller, F., Repertorium Biblicum Medii Aevi, 111 (Madrid 1951). 340-4Google Scholar. The Lérida statutes are published in España Sagrada, ed. Flórez, H. et al. (Madrid 1747-1879), xlvii, 308 ffGoogle Scholar. A vernacular translation of those of the Valladolid Council (autumn 1228), discovered in a León MS by Risco, is in ibid, xxxvi, 216 ff. The third council was held at Salamanca in February 1229: cf. Gonzalez, J., Alfonso IX, II (Madrid 1944), 619-20Google Scholar (where the Council is wrongly dated 1228).
Page No 101 Note 3 España Sagrada, xxxvi, 216; XLVII, 308.
Page No 102 Note 1 Reg. Greg. IX, 4072. R. Beer recognized in Pedro ‘eine der bedeutendsten Gestalten des Katalanischen Klerus jener Zeit’: ‘Die Handschriften des Klosters Santa Maria de Ripoll’, Sitzungsberichte der phil.-hist. Kl. der kaiserlichen Ak. der Wissenschaften, cxviii (1908), 69. But he is still awaiting his biographer. Cf. Llauradó, E. Morera, Tarragona Cristiana, 11 (Tarragona 1899), 274-89Google Scholar.
Page No 102 Note 2 P. A. Linehan, ‘La carrera del obispo Abril de Urgel: la Iglesia española en el siglo XIII’, Anuario de Estudios Medievales, v (forthcoming).
Page No 102 Note 3 Villanueva, J., Viage literario a las iglesias de España, xvi (Madrid 1851), 134-8Google Scholar.
Page No 102 Note 4 Conciliar statutes published in Tejada, J. y Ramiro, , Colección de cánones y de todos los concilios de la Iglesia de España y de América, 111 (Madrid 1849), 349 ff.Google Scholar; vi (1862), 29 ff. Cf. Fita, F., ‘Concilios tarraconenses en 1248, 1249 y 1250’, BRAU, xl (1902), 444-58Google Scholar. For a brief account of these councils, see Taberner, F. Vails, ‘Notas sobra la legislado eclesiástica provincial que integra la compilado canònica Tarraconense del Patriarca d’Alexandria’, AST, xi (1935), 251-72Google Scholar.
Page No 102 Note 5 Tejada y Ramiro, vi, 30.
Page No 103 Note 1 Tejada y Ramiro, vi, 36.
Page No 103 Note 2 Tejada y Ramiro, vi, 32.
Page No 103 Note 3 AHN, 1724/15; Vita Sancii Raymundi, ed. Balme, F. and Paban, C., Raytmmdiana, vi: i, 22 Google Scholar.
Page No 103 Note 4 Linehan, Ph.D. diss., 129-32.
Page No 103 Note 5 Printed Douais, C., ‘St Raymond de Peñafort et les hérétiques’, Moyen Age, 111 (1899), 315-25Google Scholar. For a review of the literature on the subject, see Maisonneuve, H., Études sur les origines de l’Inquisition (Paris 1960), 287 Google Scholar. Maisonneuve dates it 1242. Dondaine, A. calls it ‘le premier document digne du nom de manuel de procédure inquisitoriale’: ‘Le manuel de l’Inquisiteur (1230-1330)’, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, xvi (1946), 96 Google Scholar.
Page No 103 Note 6 Villanueva, xvn, 212, mentioned ‘las escelentes constituciones sobre sacra mentos, vida clerical, etc’ promulgated by Pedro on this occasion. But that is all. Part of the eucharistie section is published, from Barcelona, AC, Constituciones Synodales et Provinciales, fo. 180v-181v, in Scrinium, iv-vi (1952), 73-5Google Scholar. Comparison of this fragment with the text of the other Barcelona MS of the Summa, Libro de la Cadena, fo. 128va-9ra, offers almost forty variants. The anonymous editor has not noted these variants which he describes as ‘simples e insignificantes errores de transcripción’, though some represent substantial differences. Pedro had previously, in the winter of 1238-9, held a sede vacante synod at Pamplona: AC Toledo, X.2.K.1.12.
Page No 104 Note 1 Saenz de Aguirre, J., Collectio Maxima Conciliorum Omnium Hispaniae et Novi Orbis, v (Rome 1755), 197–202, 206Google Scholar. According to Aguirre (p. 197), Andrés described the Summa as having been edited ‘per venerabilem archiepiscopum predecessorem domini P. Tarraconensis ecclesiae’. But the MS—AC Valencia, MS 163—reads dominum: information kindly supplied by Don Ramón Robles, canon-archivist of Valencia. Cf. Canalda, E. Olmos, Codices de la Catedral de Valencia (Valencia 1943), 122 Google Scholar. Andrés also referred to its having been edited by Pedro ‘in synodo Ilerdensi’ (loc. cit.): a Lérida synod which must have occurred either while Pedro was bishop of Lérida or sede vacante while he was archbishop, namely in 1238 or 1247-8. And the synodal statutes of Pedro’s successor at Lérida, Raimundo de Sischar, point to the earlier of these dates, for while, in common with the Summa, they draw heavily on Odo de Sully, they also contain a number of features and phrases found in the Summa but not in Odo. They are printed by Villanueva, xvi, 297-308, without indication of date. de Baranda, Sáinz, España Sagrada, xlvii (Madrid 1850), 175 Google Scholar, ascribes them to the year 1240.
Page No 104 Note 2 For the influence of these statutes, see Cheney, C. R., English Synodalia of the Thirteenth Century (Oxford 1941), 55—6, 82-4Google Scholar; idem, ‘The Earliest English Diocesan Statutes’, EHR, LXXV (1960), 1-29. As early as 1230 they had reached the South of France: de Lacger, L., ‘Statuts synodaux inédits du diocèse d’Albi au XIII siècle’, Rev. hist, de droit français et étranger, vi (1927), 434 ffGoogle Scholar. Not long after, they were known in Portugal: Pereira, I. da Rosa, ‘Manuscritos do direito canónico existentes em Portugal’, Arquivo histérico da Madeira, XIII (1962-3), 36 ffGoogle Scholar.
Page No 105 Note 1 Artonne, A., ‘Le livre synodal dc Lodève’, Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes, cviii (1949-50). 71 Google Scholar.
Page No 105 Note 2 The strength of their determination may be inferred from the gloss in AC Barcelona, Constituciones Synodales et Provinciales, fo. 183r to the Summa’s explicit prohibition of the sharing of quarters with women ‘nisi esset persona de qua nulla suspitio possit haberi’: Nota quae mulieres permittuntur habitare cum sacerdotibus.
Page No 105 Note 3 AHN, 161/2: Non absque dolore (2 October 1245).
Page No 105 Note 4 Cited Bayley, C. C., The Formation of the German College of Electors in the Mid-Thirteenth Century (Toronto 1949), 10 Google Scholar.
Page No 105 Note 5 In July 1232: Reg. Greg. IX, 829.
Page No 105 Note 6 Linehan, Ph.D. diss., 77-9.
Page No 106 Note 1 ‘Cum per varietatem personarum et etiam regionum poenae sint proinde variandae, ne ad instar imperiti medici omnium curare occulos uno colyrio videremur, uri vobis qui conditionem personarum etlocorum vestrae provintiae melius scire potestis... committimus... quatenus... clericis poenas et concubinis predictis per sententias memoratas impositas in poenas alias.. .commutetis, eiusdem legati sententias auctoritate apostolica postmodum relaxantes ’; Tejada y Ramiro, vi, 49.
Page No 106 Note 2 de Argaiz, G., Soledad Laureada, 11 (Madrid 1675), fol. 53 VGoogle Scholar.
Page No 106 Note 3 Chronica Majora, ed. Luard, H. R., RS, iv, 540 Google Scholar.
Page No 106 Note 4 Mansilla, D., La documentación pontificia hasta Inocencio III (965-1216) (Rome 1955), no. 398 Google Scholar.
Page No 106 Note 5 Loperráez, J., Descripción histórica del Obispado de Osma, 111 (Madrid 1788), 57 Google Scholar.
Page No 107 Note 1 Tejada y Ramiro, vi, 47-8; Gaztambide, J. Goñi, ‘Los obispos de Pamplona del siglo XIII’, Príncipe de Viaria, xviii (1957), 97 ffGoogle Scholar.
Page No 107 Note 2 In 1221 Rodrigo referred to certain disciplinary instructions ‘secundum quod in concilio apud Guadalfaxaram a nobis olim. fuerat constitutum’: de Colmenares, D., Historia de la insigne Ciudad de Segovia (Segovia 1637), 188 Google Scholar. Though the statutes of this Guadalajara Council have never been unearthed, Rodrigo’s biographers have made much of them. Gaibrois, M. Ballesteros, for example, regards them as ‘la mejor prueba del celo desplegado por el prelado español’: Don Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada (Barcelona 1936), 107 Google Scholar.
Page No 107 Note 3 AC Toledo, I.5 A.1.1: publ. Mansilla, D., La documentación pontificia de Honorio III (Rome 1965), no. 246 Google Scholar; I.6.C.1.21: bull Parum est (13 February 1229).
Page No 107 Note 4 Mansilla, D., Iglesia Castellano-leonesa y Curia Romana en los tiempos del rey San Fernando (Madrid 1945), 57 Google Scholar.
Page No 107 Note 5 See, in addition to Ballesteros Gaibrois, Zalaya, E. Estella, El fundador de la Catedral de Toledo (Toledo 1926), v, 93 Google Scholar; Gorosterratzu, J., Don Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada (Pamplona 1925), 220-2Google Scholar.
Page No 108 Note 1 Reg. Nich. III, 743.
Page No 108 Note 2 I hope to substantiate this on another occasion.
Page No 108 Note 3 Chronicán de Cárdena, in España Sagrada, xxiii, 374; de Zamora, Gil, ‘Biografías de San Fernando y de Alfonso el Sabio’, ed. Fita, F., BRAH, v (1884), 322-3Google Scholar.
Page No 108 Note 4 Tejada y Ramiro, 111, 386.
Page No 108 Note 5 Such was the interpretation of Fita, F. who published the episcopal declaration ‘Concilio de Alcalá de Henares (15 enero 1257)’, BRAH, x (1887), 151-9Google Scholar.
Page No 109 Note 1 See P. A. Linehan, ‘Ecclesie non Mittentes: the thirteenth-century background’, Studia Albornotiana, 11 (1969), forthcoming.
Page No 109 Note 2 Vidal, S. Sobrequés, La ¿poca del patriciado urbano (Historia social y economica de España y America, ed. Vives, J. Vicens, 11, Barcelona 1957), 164 Google Scholar. Similarly, Sánchez-Albornoz, C., España: un enigma histórico, 1 (Buenos Aires 1956), 356, 358, 687Google Scholar; Elliott, J. H., Imperial Spain 1469-1716 (London 1963), 20 Google Scholar; Smith, R. S. in Cambridge Economie History of Europe, 1, ed. Postan, M. M. (2nd ed. Cambridge 1966), 433 Google Scholar.
Page No 109 Note 3 Romero, Eduardo, Tiranía y teocracia en el siglo XX (Mexico 1958), esp. 18,23, 42 Google Scholar.
Page No 110 Note 1 The Bible in Spain (Everyman’s ed.), 3; Lynch, J., ‘Philip II and the Papacy’, TRHS, 5th ser., 11 (1961), 24 Google Scholar.
Page No 110 Note 2 Hillgarth, J. N., ‘Coins and Chronicles: propaganda in sixth-century Spain and the Byzantine background’, Historia, xv (1966), 500 Google Scholar.
Page No 110 Note 3 Thompson, E. A., The Coths in Spain (Oxford 1969), 281-2Google Scholar.
Page No 110 Note 4 The Structure of Spanish History, trans. King, E. L. (Princeton 1954), 68 Google Scholar.
Page No 110 Note 5 Mansilla, , Documentación pontificia de Honorio III, no. 246 Google Scholar.
Page No 110 Note 6 In particular, James of Vitry, Historia Occidentalis (Duaci 1597), 270-5: De negligentia et peccatis prelatorum; and the anti-episcopal tirade of the Spaniard, Diego García, written the year before Honorius’s letter: Planeta, ed. M. Alonso (Madrid 1943), 405. Both mention canes muti and many more of the biblical phrases used by the Pope.
Page No 111 Note 1 PL, LXXX, col. 668. Cf. Thompson, 185.
Page No 111 Note 2 Gomá, Cardenal Isidro y Tomás, , Pastorales de la Guerra de España (Madrid 1955), 154 Google Scholar.