¹ Documentos [acerca de la expulsión de los judlos, ed Fernández, L. Suárez] (Valladolid 1964) pp 391-5Google Scholar.

² Ladero, [M. A.] [Quesada] Los mudejares [de Castilla en tiempo de Isabel I] (Valladolid 1969) pp 320-4Google Scholar.

³ Lynch, [J.], [Spain under the Hapsburgs], 2 vols (Oxford 1964-9) 1 p 207 Google Scholar.

⁴ Ibid pp 205, 208.

⁵ Ibid pp 215-17, and see Baroja, J. Caro, Los moriscos del reino de Granada (Madrid 1957) pp 57–85 Google Scholar; Lapeyrc, H., Géographie de l’Espagne marisque (Paris 1959) pp 124-5Google Scholar; Boronat, [P]., [Los moriscos españoles y su expulsión], 2 vols (Valencia 1901) 1 pp 291-4Google Scholar, in Lynch 1 p 209 n 9.

⁶ Boronat 1 pp 291-4.

⁷ Lynch 2 pp 44-5.

⁸ O’Callaghan, [Q. F.], [A History of Medieval Spain] (Ithaca 1975) p 207 Google Scholar.

⁹ Ibid p 213.

¹⁰ Pidal, R. Mené;ndez, La España del Cid (Buenos Aires 1939) pp 424-5Google Scholar.

¹¹ Ibid p 421.

¹² Kendnek, A. F., ‘Textiles’ in Spanish Art, Burlington Magazine monograph 2 (London 1927) p 65 Google Scholar.

¹³ Hillgarth, [J.], [The] Spanish Kingdoms, 1250-1116], 2 vols (Oxford 1976) 1 p 220 Google Scholar.

¹⁴ O’Callaghan pp 47, 51, 92.

¹⁵ Roth, C., A History of the Jews in England (Oxford 1941) pp 38–90 Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Ibid p 9.

¹⁷ Ibid pp 56-7.

¹⁸ For the history of a Christian boy ritually murdered in imitation of the crucifixion at Saragossa in 1250 and for Berceo’s account of a re-enactment by Jews of the crucifixion on a wax figure at Toledo see Hillgarth 1 pp 212-13.

¹⁹ Under it Jews were not allowed to hold public office (Ibid p 296). They were to be allowed to live among Christians ‘so that they may Uve for ever in captivity that men may remember that they come from the lineage of those who crucified our Christ, Lord Jesus.’ [Las] Siete Partidas [del rey Alfonso X], 3 vols, Real Academia (Madrid 1807) VII, xxiv Google Scholar, i; Hillgarth 1 p 210.

²⁰ Ibid 1 esp cap 5.

²¹ Wolff, P., ‘The 1391 pogrom in Spain. Social crisis or not?’, PP 50 (1971) pp 4–18 Google Scholar.

²² MacKay, [A.], [‘Popular movements and pogroms in fifteenth-century Castile’,] ibid 55 (1972) pp 35–67 Google Scholar.

²³ Américo Castro, España en su Historia (Buenos Aires 1948)Google Scholar trans King, W. F. and Margaretten, S. as The Spaniards: an introduction to tlieir history (Berkley 1971)Google Scholar Albornoz, C. Sánchez, España, un enigma histórico, 2 vols (Buenos Aires 1956)Google Scholar. The controversy is summarised by O’Callaghan pp 18-19, and see now Ruano, [E.] Benito, Los orlgenes [del problema converso] (Barcelona, 1976)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Kamen, [H.], [The Spanish Inquisition] (London 1965)Google Scholar and see also [Azcona, Tarsicio de], [Isabel la Católica (Madrid 1964)] cap 6 Google Scholar.

²⁵ Southern, [R. W.], [Western Views of Islam in the Middle Ages] (Cambridge, Mass., 1962)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ For the attitude of cardinal Mendoza see Albors, A., La Inquisición y el Cardenal de España (Valencia, 1896)Google Scholar in Azcona p 386 n 51.

²⁷ Mackay p 42.

²⁸ Baer, [Y. F.], [A History of the Jews in Christian Spain], trans Schoffman, L., 2 vols (Philadelphia 1961/1966) 2 pp 250-1Google Scholar in MacKay p 42.

²⁹ Author of the Instrucción del Relator in Cartagena, Alonso de, Defensorium Unitatis Christianae, ed Alonso, P. Manuel (Madrid 1943) p 345 Google Scholar in ibid p 45 n 2 and see Round, [N.], ‘[Politics, Style and Group Attitudes in the Instruction del Relator]’, Bulletin of Hispanic Studies (Liverpool 1923- ) 46 (1969) pp 289–319 Google Scholar; Azcona p 386 and n 50.

³⁰ MacKay p 48. Other converso bishops were Juan Ortega de Maluenda, bishop of Coria and Gonzalvo Garcia de Santa Maria, bishop of Plasencia.

³¹ O’Callaghan p 607.

³² MacKay pp 53-4.

³³ Ibid p 56.

³⁴ Ruano, [E.] Benito, Toledo [en el siglo XV] (Madrid 1961) pp 191-6Google Scholar, 96-100; Memorias de Don Enrique IV, Real Academia, 2 vols (Madrid 1835-1913) 2 pp 545-51Google Scholar. For an embryonic attempt to establish an inquisition arising from a petition of Henry IV to pope Nicholas V in 1460 see Heredia, [Beltrán de] V., ‘Las bulas [de Nicolas V acerca de los conversos de Castilla’], in Sefarad, 34 vols (Madrid 1941- ) 21 (1961) pp 21–47 Google Scholar.

³⁵ The text is in Benito Ruano, Toledo, pp 191-6 and see his ‘La “Sentencia-Estatuto” de Pero Sarmiento contra los conversos toledanos’, Benito Ruano, Los orlgenes, pp 85-92.

³⁶ Ibid pp 103-32, ‘El memorial de los conversos del Bachiller Marcos García de Mora (“Marquillos de Mazarambos”)’; Sicroff, A. A., Les controverses des statuts de ‘pureté de sang’ en Espagne du XVe au XVIIe siècle (Paris 1960) pp 33–62 Google Scholar.

³⁷ ‘Instruccion del Relator para el obispo de Cuenca, a favor de la nacion Hebrea- ano de 1449’, published by Caballero, Fermín in Noticias de la uida, cargos y escritos [del doctor Alonso Diaz del Montalvo] (Madrid 1873) pp 243-54Google Scholar.

³⁸ Pidal, [R.] Menéndez, Historia de España, 26 vols (Madrid 1947- ) 15 (1964) pp 210-11Google Scholar.

³⁹ Azcona p 376 and n 25; Round p 290 n 2; Baranda, P. Sainz de in Co[lección de] Do[cu-mentos] Iti[éditos para la historia de España], 112 vols (Madrid 1842-95) 13 (1848) p 32 Google Scholar n 39.

⁴⁰ Heredia, ‘Las bulas’, pp 21-47 and app 5.

⁴¹ This was Antonia Giacomo Venier, papal collector (Azcona pp 379-80).

⁴² Ibid p 381.

⁴³ Ibid. For the events which broke out at Toledo in the summer of 1467, culminating in El fuego de la Magdalena, see Benito Ruano, Toledo pp 93-102.

⁴⁴ Pidal, Menéndez, Historia de España, 15, p 6 Google Scholar n.

⁴⁵ See Roth, C., The Ritual Murder Libel and the Jews (London 1935)Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Ajo G., C. M. y Zúñiga, Sainz de, Historia de las Universidades Hispánicas (Avila 1957- ) 1 p 341 Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Baer 2 pp 306-8.

⁴⁸ Kamen pp 34-5.

⁴⁹ Ibid p 35.

⁵⁰ Valera, Mosén Diego de, Cronica, ed Carriazo, J. de Mata (Madrid 1957) p 123 Google Scholar n 1 (quoting Zurita and MS L); and see Villanueva, [F. Márquez] [Investigaciones sobre Juan Alvaro de Gato] (Madrid 1960) p 130 Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Kamen p 52.

⁵² Fernández, [Fidel], [Fray Hernando de Talavera] (Madrid 1942)Google Scholar. The argument seems to be derived from 1 Cor 5 and perhaps from Rom 16:17.

⁵³ The most likely passage which Talavera had in mind seem to be Apologeticum 46:15, Corpus Scriptorum Latinorum Paravianum, ed Frassinetti, P. (Turin 1965) pp 107-8Google Scholar. I owe this suggestion to the kindness of Mr G. Fowden.

⁵⁴ Fernández p 173. I have been unable to follow up this author’s reference to ‘Historia Bibliográfica de Granada’, thesis for the Academia Provincial de Bellas Artes de Granada.

⁵⁵ HL 3, pt i (1909) p 274, esp canon 57 and the general reference to the council of Toledo in Gómez, [A.], [‘De rebus gestis Francisci Ximenii’], in Hispaniae Illustratae, ed Schott, A., 4 vols (Frankfort 1603-8) 1 p 959 Google Scholar; for a disputed passage of the fourth council see the unedited reply of Lope de Barrientos, bishop of Cuenca to a bachelor, in Caballero, Fermín, Noticias de la vida, cargos y escritos, app 1, pp 323-42Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ It is not very easy to see which canons of the council Talavera had in mind. No 2 forbade the purchase or sale of orders and no 5 the taking of fees for baptism. A ban on offering rewards for baptism might be deduced from these two canons and that would echo the same views as were expressed in the Seven Parts on offering rewards for conversion, see HL, 4 pt 2 (1911) p 1023.

⁵⁷ 1 November 1478, see Kamen p 35.

⁵⁸ Ibid p 37.

⁵⁹ Documentos, p 35 (Córdoba, Cádiz and Jerez); expulsion from Seville followed between 1484 and 1491.

⁶⁰ For Abraham Senior see [Quesada, [M. A.]Ladero,] Castilla, y [la conquista del reino de] Granada (Valladolid 1967) p 221 Google Scholar and Documentos, passim. For Abrabanel and the sources quoted by Azcona see his Isabel p 644 no 40.

⁶¹ Boscolo, A., ‘Gli ebne in Sardegna durante la dominazione aragonese da Alfonso III a Ferdinando il Cattolico’. V Congreso de la Historia de la Corona de Aragón, Estudios, 5 vols (Saragossa 1952-61) 2 pp 9–17 Google Scholar. Between 1484 and 1486 there had been increasing pressure on the Jews of Burgos (Documentos p 33), on those of Vitoria and other centres (Ibid pp 33-4).

⁶² Fita, Fidel, ‘La verdad sobre el martirio del Santo Niño de la Guardia’, B[oletln de la R[eat] Accademia de] H[istoria, 11 (Madrid 1887] pp 7–134 Google Scholar.

⁶³ Documentos no 177, pp 391-5.

⁶⁴ F. Baer, following Bernaldez, gives a total of 200,000 ( Die Vertreibung der Juden aus Spanien in Millas Vallicrosa, Sefarad 6 (1943) pp 163-88)Google Scholar; but the number may be an overestimate. Documentos pp 55-64.

⁶⁵ Records of the trials of the Spanish Inquisition in Ciudad Real, ed Bieriart, H. (Jerusalem 1974) 1 Google Scholar; see also Baroja, J. Caro, Los judlos en la España moderna y contemporánea, 3 vols (Madrid 1962) 1 pp 275-7Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Siete Partidas, 3 pp 675-6.

⁶⁷ Ibid.

⁶⁸ Law 3 (Ibid p 677).

⁶⁹ Law 9 (Ibid pp 680-1).

⁷⁰ Southern pp 67-74.

⁷¹ Hillgarth p 166. The Dominicans were particularly active. They founded schools for training missionaries in Hebrew and Arabic at Tunis (before 1250), at Murcia (1266) at Valencia and Játiva. The Franciscans founded the college of Miramar, Majorca, None of these schools seems to have survived long.

⁷² Ramón Martí seems to have given it up after the 1263 disputation and took to writing his major work—the Pugio Fidei cotttrajudaeos, in which he defended Christianity against the Jews. In it he drew heavily on St Thomas Aquinas’s Summa contra Gentiles, a treatise on natural theology intended to equip missionaries for debate and argumentation with Muslims’ (O’Callaghan p 496); see Hillgarth pp 165-6.

⁷³ Hillgarth, J. N., Ramon Lull and Lullism in Fourteenth-Century France (Oxford 1971) p 26 Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Ibid p 22.

⁷⁵ Ibid pp 29, 128 and n 344.

⁷⁶ Ibid pp 128-9 n 347.

⁷⁷ Hillgarth p 225.

⁷⁸ However the dispute had been forced on the unwilling Jews by the anti-pope Benedict XIII and was by way of being a forcible instruction of the Jews in the Christian religion, see López, A. Pacios, La Disputa de Tortosa, 2 vols (Madrid 1957)Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Sec Ladero, Los mudejares, p 23 and n 19. On 17 January 1475 Abraham Jarafe, alfaqui, doctor and member of the household of archbishop Carrillo held this position.

⁸⁰ The Mercedarians had been founded by Peter Nolasco. The order had been helped by James I of Aragon to set itself up in the kingdom of Valencia and Raymond Penyafort had drawn up its constitutions, O’Callaghan p 497. The Trinitarians were a French order. Both were founded to negotiate for Christians captured by Muslims.

⁸¹ Southern p 88.

⁸² Pérez, G. Beneyto, ‘Science of Law in Spain of the Catholic Kings’, in Spain in the Fifteenth Century, ed Highfield, Roger (New York 1972) p 282 Google Scholar.

⁸³ Atienza, M. Garrido, Las Capitulaciones para ta entrega de Granada (Granada 1910)Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Ladero, Los mudéjares pp 31-53.

⁸⁵ Printed in Azcona pp 761-3; he had long been an advocate of the conquest. Sigöenza calls him el movedor o despertador of the campaign Sigöenza, [Fr. José de][, Historia de la orden de San Jerónimo,] ed García, J. Catalina, 2 ed, 2 vols, N[ueva] Biblioteca de] A[utores] E[spañoles] (Madrid 1907-9) 2 p 300 Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ del, M. del Hoyo, C. Pescador, ‘Como fue de verdad la toma de Granada.’ Al-Andalus 41 vols (Madrid 1933- ) 20 (1955) p 330 Google Scholar. There were three early biographies—by 1) Jorge de Torres, maestrescuela of Granada, 2) by the author of the ‘Breve Suma’, perhaps Jerónimo Fernández de Madrid, abbot of Santa Fe, and 3) by Alonso Fernández de Madrid, archdeacon of Alcor; the best description of them is in Azcona, [P. Tarsicio de], [La Elección y Reforma [del episcopado español en tiempo de los Reyes Católicos] (Madrid 11960) pp 243-4Google Scholar. All were written by contemporaries of Talavera. Among modern biographies the more important are Suárez, P. de Alcántara y Mimano, , Vida del Venerable don Fray Hernando de Talavera (Madrid 1866)Google Scholar and cap 4 of Márquez, Investigaciones.

⁸⁷ The province of Granada was allotted the bishoprics of Guadix and Almería in addition to Granada itself. Following ancient practice Málaga was attached to Seville.

⁸⁸ They may well have been right. His opponents were later to accuse him of being a member of the Contreras family through his mother. The treasurer of the chapter of Granada in his time was Antonio de Contreras, Márquez, Investigaciones, p 141 n 138.

⁸⁹ Pulgar is the chief authority for calling him Hernando de Oropesa. For the date of his birth see n 97.

⁹⁰ Tello, P. León and Marazuela, M. T. de la Peña, Archivo de los Duques de Frías, 3 vols (Madrid 1955-73)Google Scholar 3 (table) and no 29, p 11.

⁹¹ ‘Breve Suma’, fol 139^v in Márquez, Investigaciones, p 141 n 137. Talavera’s father is said to have been muy cercana pariente de la casa de Oropesa. Another pointer may be provided by the fact that Talavera’s nephew was Francisco Herrera, dean of Granada, and one of his nieces was called María Herrera, de Pedraza, F. Bermúdez, Historia Eclesiástica de Granada (Granada 1638)Google Scholar fol 176^v; she was said to have been the daughter of a certain (fulano) Herrera. A member of his household was Gabriel Alonso de Herrera, author of Libro de Agricultura (Alcalá 1513), and a fellow townsman from Talavera. It has not been noticed that the wife of the third lord of Oropesa was called Juana Herrera.

⁹² Bordona, J. Domínguez, ‘Algunas precisiones sobre fray Fernando de Talavera’ BRAH, 144 (1959) p 229 Google Scholar. He is referred to as ‘Fernando de Talavera, habitatori Barellinone, oriundo ville de Talavera, Archiepiscopatus de Tholeta’. Domínguez lists Talavera’s writings.

⁹³ Azcona, Elección y Reforma, p 244.

⁹⁴ The following appear to be autograph, Escorial MS b IV 26 ‘Tratado contra la demasia del vestir’ (Domínguez no 7), Escorial MS a IV 29 ‘Tratado dirigido a las religiosas de San Bernardo de Avila’ (Domínguez no 8) and the foundation document of Santiago de la Madre de Dios de Granada, Biblioteca] Na[cional] MS 6923. Less certainly autograph is BNa MS 9815 ‘Invectiva contra un medico’ (Domínguez no 14).

⁹⁵ Ibid pp 227-9.

⁹⁶ Quoted in Domínguez p 215.

⁹⁷ Sigöenza 2 p 290. For the chronology of Talavera’s career and his interesting will, see now Aldea, Q., ‘Hernando de Talavera, su testamento y sa biblioteca, Homenaje a Fray Justo Pérez de Urbel, OSB, 2 vols (Silos 1976-7)Google Scholar. I owe this reference to the kindness of professor Russell.

⁹⁸ Sigöenza 1 p 26.

⁹⁹ Ibid 1 pp 27-31; see also Sicroff, A. A., ‘The Jeronymite Monastery of Guadalupe in Fourteenth and Fifteenth-century Spain’ in Collected Studies in Honour of Americo Castro’s Eightieth Year, ed Hornik, M. P. (Oxford 1965) pp 397–422 Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Ibid.

¹⁰¹ For Alfonso de Oropesa (General 29 October 1457-28 October 1468) see Azcona PP 378. 387 and Sigöenza, 1 pp 361-88. He was the author of Lumen ad revelationem gentium et gloriam tuae Israel and a life of St John Chrysostom to whom he was especially devoted, ibid 1 p 372.

¹⁰² Ibid 2 p 291, who calls her ‘duchess’, but the counts of Alba only became dukes in 1469.

¹⁰³ Escritores Místicos Españoles, [ed Mir, M.], NBAE (Madrid 1911) pp 94–103 Google Scholar, Domínguez no 8; this must have been written between 1466 when the countess married and 1485 when Talavera ceased to be prior of El Prado. The countess was half-sister of the second countess of Oropesa who had married Fernán Alvarez de Toledo the second count in 1480. The most likely date for the tract is therefore between 1480 and 1486.

¹⁰⁴ Ibid 1 pp 3-35, Domínguez no 2.

¹⁰⁵ Sigüenza 2, pp 325-9.

¹⁰⁶ de Madrid, [A.]Fernández, Vida [de Fray Fernando de Talavera, primo arzobispo de Granada], ed Olmedo, F. G. (Madrid 1931) p 123 Google Scholar; see Haebler, [G.], Bibl[liograßla] Ibér[ica del siglo xv], 2 vols (The Hague 1903-17)] 1 p 303 Google Scholar, no 631; Domínguez no 21; this too was written when Talavera was prior of El Prado and after 1480. It was published at Seville c1493 and has been edited by F. Márquez (Barcelona 1961).

¹⁰⁷ Fernández de Madrid, Vida p 124; it was printed by Mainardux Ungut and Pegnitzer, John, Haebler, Bibl Ibér 1 p 346 Google Scholar no 711.

¹⁰⁸ Sigüenza says (Historia de la Orden 2 p 293) that he remained prior for sixteen years. Since he became bishop of Avila in 1484 this means that he became prior about 1468. He had resigned his chair at Salamanca by proctor on 5 July 1466 ‘because he expected to absent himself from the city’, Extractos de ¡os libros de claustros de la Universidad de Salamanca, Siglo XV (1464-1481), ed Rodríguez, F. Marcos (Salamanca 1964) no 208, p 87 Google Scholar. Professor Russell kindly drew my attention to this source.

¹⁰⁹ Ibid p 295; this was by 1478 [Pulgar, Fernando del], Crónica [de los Reyes Católicos] , de Mata Carriazo, de J., 2 vols (Madrid 1943) 1 pp 339-40Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Clemendn, [D.], Elogio [de la Reina Católica doña Isabel] (Madrid 1821) pp 359-71Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Ibid p 424 and see Cantero, A. Prieto, Casa y Descargos de los Reyes Católicos, cat xxiv del Archivo General de Simancas (Valladolid 1969)Google Scholar. In 1479 he was an envoy to Portugal, Crónica 1 pp 404-10.

¹¹² Clemencín, Elogio, p 420; Azcona pp 360-1; Tascón, A. Matilla, Declaratorias de los Reyes Católicos sobre reducción de juros y otras mercedes (Madrid 1952) pp 15–16 Google Scholar.

¹¹³ de las Casas, B., Historia de las Indias, ed de Tudela Bueso, J. Pérez, 5 vols. B[iblioteca de] A[utores] E[spañoles] (Madrid 1957) 1 pp 110-14Google Scholar, 118; Morison, S. E., Admiral of the Ocean Sea, 2 vols (Boston 1942) 1 pp 116-19Google Scholar, 131-2.

¹¹⁴ He was appointed by Sixtus IV in 1482 and continued to act until the city fell, Ladero, Castilla y Granada, pp 205-6; see also Pulgar, Crónica 2 p 334.

¹¹⁵ Fernández de Madrid, Vida, pp 81-4; Pedraza, Historia Eclesiástica, fol 185.

¹¹⁶ Fernández pp 215-16.

¹¹⁷ Antonio, Nicolás, Biblioteca Scriptorum Hispaniae Nova, 2 vols (Madrid 1788) 2 p 166 Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Domínguez pp 213-14.

¹¹⁹ ‘Breve Suma’, fol 151^у in Márquez, Investigaciones, p 117 n 41; Azcona p 762.

¹²⁰ Domínguez p 213 (quoting ‘Breve Suma’); Sigüenza, 2 p 306; Mármol says that he learned enough to teach the ten commandments, the articles of faith and prayers in Arabic and to hear confessions, de Mármol [Carvajal], Luis, Historia del rebelion [y castigo de los moriscos del reyno de Granada] , 2 vols (2 ed Madrid 1797) 1 p 108 Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Transcribed as Ybara figun, [Garrad, K., ‘The original memorial of don Francisco] Nuñez Muley’, Atlante (London 1953- ) 2 (October 1954) p 215 Google Scholar; and see Márquez, Investigaciones p 117 and n 41.

¹²² Zambra from the Arabic zamr, see Corominas, J. O., Diccionario Crítico Etimológico de la lengua Castellana, 4 vols (Berne 1954) 4 pp 818-19Google Scholar. Corominas mistakenly attributes the description of Talavera in Mármol’s Rebelion to Cisneros.

¹²³ Azcona, Elección y Reforma, p 258.

¹²⁴ Gómez, De Rebus, p 961. For certain feast days he had the lessons translated into Castilian ‘so that the people could understand them’, ‘Breve Suma’ fol 149^r/^v in Márquez, Investigaciones p 116 n 40; Pedraza, Historia Eclesiástica, fol 186^v.

¹²⁵ Lyell, J. P. R., Cardinal Ximenes (London 1917) p 27 Google Scholar.

¹²⁶ Ibid pp 28, 34.

¹²⁷ Gómez, De Rebus, p 961.

¹²⁸ Tostams, Alfonsus, Commentarla in terciam partem Mathaei (Venice 1596) p 118 Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ See Ladero, Los mudejares, no 88, p 235, letter of 4 January 1500. ‘We believe firmly that no one must remain who is not a Christian ... we are determined to press our policy forwards and to set aside all else.’ Cisneros claimed that Talavera shared this viewpoint.

¹³⁰ Hefele, [C. J. von], [Life of Cardinal Ximenez], trans Dalton, J. C. (London 1885) p 3 Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Ibid.

¹³² Gómez, De Rebus, p 932.

¹³³ Hefele p 4.

¹³⁴ Ibid pp 6-8.

¹³⁵ Ladero, Los mudéjares, nos 85, 88-9, 91, 96 and 99.

¹³⁶ Ibid no 88.

¹³⁷ Ibid no 85. Writing to the dean and chapter of Toledo on 16 January he could report that already 50,000 souls had been converted and ‘I hope in Our Lord that all this kingdom will be converted in which there are more than 200,000 souk’ (no 89).

¹³⁸ Ibid no 83.

¹³⁹ Ibid no 87.

¹⁴⁰ Escritores Místicos p 11.

¹⁴¹ Ibid.

¹⁴² Sigüenza p 316.

¹⁴³ Ibid p 309.

¹⁴⁴ Escritores Místicos pp 4-5.

¹⁴⁵ In a review of Ladero, mudéjares, Los in EHR, 87 (1972) p 363 Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁶ Ferdinand and Isabella arrived in Granada in early July 1499, de Armas, A. Rumeu, Itinerario de los Reyes Católicos (Madrid 1974) pp 254-6Google Scholar. They left for Seville in the first days of December. It seems that it had been on their initiative that Cisneros had been summoned from Alcalá to Granada, Hefele p 61; Pedraza, Historia Eclesiástica, fol 195.

¹⁴⁷ Gómez, De Rebus, pp 959-60. For the date see Ladero, Los mudéjares, p 72.

¹⁴⁸ Gómez, De Rebus, pp 958-9; it is true that he repudiated the treatment meted out to Zegri by Dr León, Pedraza, Historia Eclesiástica, fol 195^v. For a royal instruction, dated 12 October 1501, ordering copies of the Koran and other Muslim religious books to be burned see Ladero, Los mudéjares, no 146, p 72. It is probably to this late date that the famous incident in which Cisneros directed the burning of a pyre of Muslim books in the Plaza de Vivarrambla should be attributed.

¹⁴⁹ Mármol, Historia del rebelion, p 124. It had reached the area round Granada by the end of December 1499 and the first few days of January 1500, Ladero, Los mudéjares, PP 73-5.

¹⁵⁰ de Vallejo, Juan, Memorial de la vida de Fray Francisco Jiménez de Cimeros (Madrid 1913) p 38 Google Scholar, and see no 86 in Ladero, Los mudéjares, pp 230-2.

¹⁵¹ Nunez Muley, p 204.

¹⁵² Quesada, M. A. Ladero, Granada, Historia de un pais islámico, 1232-1572 (Madrid 1964) p 163 Google Scholar.

¹⁵³ Al-Maqqari in Fernández, F. y González, , Estado social y político de los mudejares de Castilla (Madrid 1866) p 202 n 1Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁴ Ladero, , Los mudéjares, no 139, pp 307-11Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁵ Ibid no 144, pp 315-16 (27 September 1501).

¹⁵⁶ Pragmatic of 12 February 1502, Ramírez, Juan, Las pragmáticas del reyno (Valladolid 1540) fols viii–ix Google Scholar; Elliott, J. H., Imperial Spain, 1461-1715 (London 1963) p 40 Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁷ Ladero, Los mudejares, no 101 (27 March 1500).

¹⁵⁸ Sigüenza, 2 p 316; Azcona, Elección y Reforma, pp 262-5.

¹⁵⁹ Harvey, L. P., Actas del primer congreso internacional de estudios árabes (Madrid 1963) pp 163-78Google Scholar.