¹ Baltimore, MD, and London, 1989; original French version, La Parole mangée et autres essais théologico-politiques (Paris, 1986). Neither version is in the University Library in St Andrews: but in the library of a Commonwealth university (Auckland, N. Z.) where I taught in 1996, the American edition was the most frequently borrowed work on the eucharist!

² Marin, Food for Thought, pp. 5 and xix.

³ P. Cramer, Baptism and Change in the Early Middle Ages, C.200-C.1150 [hereafter Baptism and Change], Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, 4th ser., 20 (Cambridge, 1993): reviewed by Murray, Alexander in The Times Literary Supplement, 25 March 1994, p. 3.Google Scholar

⁴ For England, however, compare the more optimistic approach of Morris, R., Churches in the Landscape (London, 1989), ch. 4.Google Scholar

⁵ Nanni, L., La Parrochia studiata nei documenti lucchesi dei secoli VIII-XIII, Analecta Gregoriana, 47 (Rome, 1948), pt 1, and esp. pp. 66–75 Google Scholar: made possible by the remarkable collection of pre-1000 documents in the Archivio Arcivescovile, Lucca, and admirably edited already in the early nineteenth century.

⁶ Trier: Ewig, E., Trier im Merowingerreich: Civitas, Stadt, Bistum (Trier, 1954), pp. 149–65 Google Scholar, 182-282, with maps 3 and 4; and F. Pauly’s several volumes with the common title Siedlung und Pfarrorganisation im alten Erzbistum Trier in Rheinisches Archiv (Bonn) and Veroffentlichun-gen des Bistumsarchiv Trier (Trier) (1957-76); the final volume is Zusammenfassung und Ergebnisse. Paris: M. Roblin, Le Terroir de Paris aux époques Gallo-Romaine et Tranque, 2nd edn (Paris, 1971), esp. pp. 151-4. Some aspects of Roblin’s methodology have been seriously challenged; but he claimed no undue precision for this particular calculation.

⁷ Namely, in the lists in the Canterbury ‘Domesday Monachorum’, in The Domesday Monachorum of Christ Church, Canterbury, ed. D. C. Douglas (London, 1944), pp. 77-9, cf. pp. 5-13: but for their interpretation, see further F. Barlow, The English Church 1000-1066, 2nd edn (London, 1979), pp. 180-2; T. Tatton-Brown, The churches of Canterbury diocese in the eleventh century’, in J. Blair, ed., Minsters and Parish Churches: the Local Church in Transition 950-1200, Oxford University Committee for Archaeology Monograph, 17 (Oxford, 1988), pp. 105-18. According to Blair, ‘Introduction; from minster to parish church’, ibid., p. 1: ‘For clarity, we have followed the artificial but now accepted usage of Latin parochia for minster parish, and English “parish” for the institution in its modern sense’ since ‘Parochia originally meant a bishop’s diocese [and] until the mid 12th century it was used more commonly in this sense’ than for ‘minster parish’ or ‘parish’ as now understood. This is no doubt broadly correct: but it is worth noting that in one of very few relevant pre-ninth-ccntury texts (other than Bede) Alcuin urges Archbishop Æthelhard of Canterbury to end his self-exile and return to ordain, preach, baptize, dispense alms, and care for the poor per singulas aecclesias atque parochias (MGH. Epistolae IV, ed. E. Dümmler (Berlin, 1897), no. 128 [p. 190] of 797).

⁸ For eastern Brittany (dioc. Rennes) see below, pp. 60-1.

⁹ Confirmed by A. Angenendt’s ‘Die Liturgie und die Organisation des^s kirchlichen Lebens auf dem Lande’, in Cristianizzazione ed Organizzazione Ecclesiastica delle Campagne nell’Alto Medioevo, i: espansione e resistenze, 2 vols, Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 28 (Spoleto, 1982) [hereafter Cristianizzazione ed Organizzazione Ecclesiastica], 1, pp. 169-226, which is almost entirely about ‘ceremonies’ and institutions or functions.

¹⁰ J. Blair and R. Sharpc, eds, Studies in the Early History of Britain (Leicester, 1992) [hereafter Pastoral Care].

¹¹ ‘Monks, preaching and pastoral care in early Anglo-Saxon England’, Pastoral Care, pp. 137-70. The insistence on regular lay communion is in Bede’s Letter to Egbert of York, C.15, in Bedae Opera Historica, ed. C. Plummer, 2 vols (Oxford, 1896), 1, p. 419; for the preconditions see, e.g., his In Marci evangelium expositio, in Bedae opera, Pars II, 3, ed. D. Hurst, CChr. SL, 120 (Turnhout, 1960), p. 520, 11. 1217-27.

¹² Ibid., p. 575, 11. 1298-1303: ‘cum forte villam aut oppidum aut alium qucmlibet locum in quo sit domus orationis Deo consccrata intramus’, etc. With domus orationis compare the 747 Council of Clofesho’s decree that priests should ‘oratorii domum [the correct text-reading?] ct cuneta ad cultum ipsius pcrtincntia sub sua cura conservare’: A. W. Haddan and W. Stubbs, eds, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to Great Britain and Ireland [hereafter H&S], 3 vols in 4 (Oxford, 1869-78), 3, p. 365.

¹³ H&S, 3, pp. 367-8, cc.13, 15, 16, 18.

¹⁴ Codice diplomatico longobardo, ed. L. Schiaparclli, 2 vols [hereafter CDL], Fonti per la Storia d’Italia, 62-3 (Rome, 1929-33), 1, no. 19 (p. 74). Compare ibid., 2, no. 213 of 768, in which a priest undertakes to reside in the ‘private church’ of S. Salvatore, ‘casale Critianu’, Tuscania, ‘et officio iuxta suo sapere in ipsa ecclesia singolis dies facere’. He also promises to pay a penalty if, among other failings, ‘non estudvero de lumen et incenso iuxta pecunia ipsius ccclcsiae aut aliquas cxinde fraudavcro’!

¹⁵ Formulae Merowingici et Karolini aevi, ed. K. Zcumcr, MGH. Legum, V (Hanover, 1886), p. 217.

¹⁶ H&S, 3, p. 366.

¹⁷ D. Whitclock, M. Brett, and C. N. L. Brooke, eds, Councils and Synods 1/i: A. D.871-1066 (Oxford, 1981) [hereafter Councils and Synods], pp. 459-60.

¹⁸ St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 911, pp. 320-2; complete facsimile (as Das atteste deutsche Buck Die ‘Abrogans’ Handschrift) with introd. by J. Duft and B. Bischoff and transcription by S. Sonderegger (St Gallen, 1977); also B. Bischoff, ‘Paläographische Fragen dcutschcr Denkmaler dcr Karolingerzcit’ [1971], in his Mittelalterliche Studien [hereafter Bischoff, MaSt], 3 (Stuttgart, 1981), pp. 73-111, at p. 95. For the slightly later ‘Freisingcr Paternoster’ in Munich, Baycrischc Staatsbibliothek, elm. 6330 (in fact from southern Alamannia) and the ‘Bavarian Paternoster’ in elm. 14510 (this part written for a layman?), see ibid. pp. 89-90, 99.

¹⁹ In 798, however, the Kentish minster (familia) of Lymingc, which had pastoral (‘parish’) responsibilities, was given land by ealdorman Oswulf in return for a precisely-specified annual commemoration (with feast!): P. H. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters: an Annotated List and Bibliography (London, 1968), no. 153.

²⁰ Lemarignier, J. F., ‘Encadrement religieux des campagnes et conjuncture politique dans les régions du royaume de France situées au nord de la Loire de Charles le Chauve aux derniers Carolingiens (840-987)’, Cristianizzazione ed Organizzazione Ecclesiastica, 2, pp. 765–800 Google Scholar. For the way these figures were arrived at, compare the tables on pp. 770-5, compiled from his notes after his death.

²¹ So, for example, in Recueil des Actes de Charles II le Chauve, ed. G. Tcssier, 3 vols (Paris, 1943-55), 2, no. 349 (p. 279) - excluded geographically from Lemarignier’s calculations - for the monastery of Exalada (subsequently St-Michel dc Cuxa) and in later documents. The distribution of chrism implies that some or all of the dependent churches were ones widi a baptismal font.

²² Recueil des chartes de l’abbaye de Stavelot-Malmédy, ed. J. Halkin and C.-G. Roland (Brussels, 1909), no. 32. The (later) dedication of the church, now de-consecrated and partly demolished, was to St Remaldus, the founder and patron of the abbey. Contrast with this the terms of the remarkable charter of 1092 (?unique before the twelfth century) in which the inhabitants of Saorge (France, dép. Alpes-Maritimes), who are individually named (including forty-seven wives), having assembled before their capella ecclesia sanctae Mariae, surrender it to the monks of Lérins on condition that they install ‘monachi [vel?] presbiteri sub iussione eiusdem abas [sic] qui cotidie et vesperas sue matutinas in predicta capella canant’: Cartulaire de l’abbaye de Lérins, ed. H. Moris and E. Blanc, 2 vols, Société des Lettres, Sciences et Arts des Alpes-Maritimes (Paris, 1883-1903), 1, no. 169 (pp. 164-9).

²³ Receuil des chartes de l’abbaye de Cluny, ed. A. Bernard and A. Bruel, 6 vols (Paris, 1876-1903), 2, no. 1628 (p. 665), quoted by G. Constable, ‘Monasteries, rural churches and the cura animarum in the early Middle Ages’, Cristianizzazione ed Organizzazione Ecclesiastica, i, pp. 351-89, at p. 370.

²⁴ Die Konzilien der Karolingischen Teilreiche, 843-859, ed. W. Hartmann, MGH. Cone. Ill (Hanover, 1984), pp. 227 (c.18), 320 (c.4) etc. Compare, e.g., CDL, 2, no. 165 of 762 (Montalto near Lucca): ‘omnem officium cclcsiasticum et luminaria cidem eclesic faciat’; ibid., no. 213 (as n.14); Le più antiche carte dello Archivio Capitolare di Asti, ed. F. Gabotto (Pinerolo, 1904), no. 23 of 892 (Mucegno, terr. Vercelli): ‘missas canere et luminarias faceré et officium seu sarcitectis [sic] eidem acclesie sine nc[g]lectu … laborare et cxcollerc’; Codice Diplomatico Veronese, ed. V. Fainclli, 2 vols (Venice, 1940-63), 2, no. 214 of 931 (an urban oratorium and xenodochium): ‘solicitudincm habeant… ad concimandas [sic, for concinnandas] lampades die noctuque in cadem eclcsia et de ceteris ecclesiasticis officiis’.

²⁵ Die Traditionen des Hochstifts Regensburg und des Klosters S. Emmeram, ed. J. Widcmann, Qucllcn und Erörterungen zur Bayerischen Geschichte, a F. 8 (Munich, 1943) [hereafter Regensburg], no. 14 of Oct/Nov. 814. The bishop gave the church to Ratolfmonachus, in spite of reiterated recent decrees [Concilia aevi Karolini, ed. A. Werminghoff, MGH. Cone. 11/1 (Hanover and Leipzig, 1906), pp. 210, 215, etc.) that ‘monachus nullo modo parrochiam regat’.

²⁶ Die Traditionen des Hochstifts Freising, ed. Th. Bitterauf, 2 vols, Qucllcn und Erorterungen zur Baycrischen und dcutschcn Gcschichte, n. F. 4-5 (Munich, 1905-9) [hereafter Freising], 1, no. 391 of 818, is a typical record of the lay founding and episcopal consecration of an oratorium, while ibid., nos 394 of 818 and 421 of 819, are those of priest-founders: no. 421 records that the bishop, having consecrated church and altar and introduced relics, ‘missarum solemnia statim ibidem eclebravit’.

²⁷ Capitularia regum Francorum, ed. A. Borctius and V. Krausc, 2 vols, MGH. Cap. II (Hanover, 1883-97), 1, no. 22, cc.71, 72.

²⁸ MGH. Capitula Episcoporum, 1 (Hanover, 1984), ed. P. Brommer [hereafter MGH. Cap. Episc, 1], pp. 16-17. Aedificare in c.1 is clearly the counterpart of the Italian (and potentially unintelligible?) sartatecta etc.; drawing on the capitulary at the end of the tenth century for his ‘Pastoral Letter for Wulfsige’, JSXbic renders this passage as ‘Sset hi healdan heora cyrcan’ (c.48: Councils and Synods, p. 206).

²⁹ So I interpret Theodulf cap. I c.23, MGH. Cap. Episc, 1, p. 120. Since it is addressed to the laity and is concerned with hora matutina vel vespertina the editor’s cross-reference (n.85) to MGH. Cap., 2, no. 41 of 829 seems out of place.

³⁰ C.24, MGH. Cap. Episc, 1, p. 121; cc.5-7, ibid., pp. 107-8. Compare Walahfrid Strabo’s remarks in his Libellus de exordiis et inerements, c.23 (MGH. Cap., 2, p. 503) and the comment of Alice L. Harting-Correa in her Translation and Liturgical Commentary (Leiden, 1996), p. 281.

³¹ MGH. Cone, 11/1, pp. 643-4 (c.50).

³² MGH. Cap. Episc, 1, pp. 233-68, esp. cc.5, 6, 10 and 28; Hincmar of Rhcims, Collectio de ecclesiis et capellis, ed. M. Stratmann, MGH. Fontes Iuris Germanici Antiqui, 14 (Hanover, 1990) [hereafter Hincmar, Collectio], pp. 99-112. But see also Hincmar’s first diocesan capitula (preshyteris data, an. 852), PL 125, cols 773-8.

³³ The most substantial item in ‘the central witness’, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodlcy 718 (so David Dumvillc, Liturgy and the Ecclesiastical History of Late Anglo-Saxon England [Woodbridgc, 1992], p. 86 [85 n.i 11]) - probably a Christ Church, Canterbury book - is the Frankish penitential Quadripartitus (for which see esp. F. Kcrff, Der Quadripartitus: ein Handbuch der karolingischen Kirchenreform [Sigmaringen, 1982)]), Bks Il-IV: the Ghaerbald capitulary is at fols 3-5, the Quadripartitus at fols 22-178. A conveniently accessible text of the first section of the Excerptiones is Anglo-Saxon Pontificals, ed. H. M. J. Banting, HBS, 104 (London, 1989), pp. 5-8 (7-8).

³⁴ Cambridge, E., ‘The early church in County Durham: a re-assessment’, JBAA, 137 (1984), pp. 65–85 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Minsters and Parish Churches, passim, but csp. the contributions of R. Gem (pp. 21-30) and R. K. Morris (pp. 191-9); Morris, Churches in the Landscape, pp. 120-1, 151-4, 165-7.

³⁵ Recent examples arc Sapin, C., La Bourgogne préromane (Paris, 1986), pp. 123-40, 160–1 Google Scholar, and M. Fixot and E. Zadora-Rio, L’Église, le terroir, Centre de Recherches Archéologiques, Monographie no. i (Paris, 1989), csp. pp. 51-69, 105-14. Compare, however, C. Ehrcns, Friihe Holzkirchen im nördlichcn Europe (Hamburg, 1981) (which I know only at second-hand), and H. Dannheimer, Frühe Holzkirchen aus Bayern, Klcine Ausstcllungsführer der Prahistorischen Staatssammlung Miinchcn, 3 (Munich, 1985).

³⁶ J. F. Böhmer and E. Miihlbacher, Regesta Imperii, I: Die Regesten des Kaiserreichs unter den Karolingern, 751-918 (Innsbruck, 1908; repr. with additions, 1966), no. 569; Maimer Urkundenbuch, ed. M. Stimming, 2 vols in 3 (Darmstadt, 1968-72), 1, no. 284 of 1043. But when the later parish church of Dürrmenz (Germany, Enzkrcis; south-cast of Karlsruhe) was given to Lorsch in 835 it was already an ecclesiam unam lapideam: Codex Laureshamensis, ed. K. Glöckner, 3 vols (Darmstadt, 1929-36), no. 2337, which also records the giving with the church of two gilded reliquaries, a lectionary, a missal, priestly vestments, and two bells.

³⁷ Between 1951 and 1968 I visited more than 200 ‘rural’ churches in Italy, Switzerland, Germany, southern France, and Dalmatian Yugoslavia which according to guide-books and older works of architectural history had structural features datable to the eighth, ninth, or tenth century. After the elimination of one-time abbeys, such as Ferrières and Münster in Graubünden, I concluded that no more than twenty, and probably less, might be so dated; and those included Einhard’s Stcinbach and the north-Italian (South Tyrolean) churches of S. Procolo, Naturno, and S. Benedetto, Malles Venosta, the remarkable frescoes and other decoration of which argue for major monastic and/or ‘aristocratic’ connections in the Carolingian period. (For the eleventh-century date of Agliate [Brianza, dioc. Milan], see E. Arslan, ‘L’architettura romanica milanese’, in [Fondazione Treccani degli Alfieri] Storia di Milano, 3 [n.p., 1954], p. 412) My criteria and descriptions would hardly satisfy the present generation of architectural historians, but the conclusion seems sound enough. It has been strengthened subsequently by careful local studies, typified by I. Moretti and R, Stopani, Chiese Romaniche in Val di Pesa e Val di Greve (Florence, 1972), who found nothing pre-clcventh century even in the pievi (dioc. Florence) and oratories for which there is earlier documentary evidence.

³⁸ For cancelli, etc., dividing the preshiterium from the nave, see below, p. 53 and n.78.

³⁹ A list of Eller’s altar-ornaments, liturgical objects, etc., and of its books was entered in the early tenth century in the Rheims-origin Gospel-book, London, BL, MS Harley 2826: ed. F. Pauly, ‘Ein Dokument aus dcm Britischen Museum zur Geschichtc dcr Pfarrci Eller an dcr Mosel’, Archiv für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 8 (1956), pp. 348-50. The oldest item in the present-day treasury (but kept in the Pfarrhaus) is a late-Romanesque holy-water bucket. For other ninth- and tenth-century records of church ‘treasures’ (excluding books), see Mittelalterliche Schatzverzeichnisse, I: von der Zeit Karls des Grossen bis zur Mitée des 13. Jahrhunderts, ed. Zcntralinstitut fur Kunstgcschichtc (Munich) and B. Bischoff, Vcroffcntlichungen des Zcntralinstituts für Kunstgcschichtc, 4 (Munich, 1967) [hereafter Schatzverzeichnisse].

⁴⁰ MGH. Cone, 11/1, p. 194 (Paulinus of Aquileia-Friuli), MGH. Cap. Episc, 1, p. 17 (Ghaerbald of Liege); see also Walahfrid Strabo, De exordiis, c.5, with the commentary of A. Harting-Corrca, Translation and Liturgical Commentary, pp. 214-16. The earliest Ordo ad signum ecdesiae benedicendum in the ceremony for the dedication of a church is in ‘Frankish Gelasian’ sacramentarles: e.g. the Sacramcntary of Gcllonc, in Liber sacramentorum Gellonensis: Textus, ed. A. Dumas, CChr. SL, 159 (Turnhout, 1981), pp. 367-9 (nos 2440-6). The early evolution and chronology of bell-turrets and bell-towers have been much discussed, without conclusive results: a majority of architectural historians, however, denies that any tower is older than the tenth century, although turrets (even in some minor churches) may be earlier.

⁴¹ For early medieval cathedrals as complexes of buildings, see especially J. Hubert, L’Architecture religieuse du haut moyen âge en France (Paris, 1952) (plans with minimal commentary) and E. Lehmann, ‘Die frühchristlichen Kirchenfamilicn der Bischofssitze im deutschen Raum und ihre Wandlungen wahrend des Frühmittelalters’ in H. Fillitz, ed., Beitràge zur Kunstgeschichte und Archäologie des Fruhmittelalters, Akten zum VII. Internationalen Kongress für Frühmittclalterforschung (Graz, 1962), pp. 88-99. North-Italian ‘double cathedrals’ arc discussed by J. Hubert, ‘Les “cathédrales doubles” et l’histoire de la liturgie’, Atti del 1” Congresso di Studi Longobardi, 1951 (Spoleto, 1952), pp. 167-76, and by R. Krauthcimcr, The twin cathedral at Pavia’, in his Studies in Early Christian, Medieval and Renaissance Art (London, 1971), pp. 161-80: pp. 176-80 arc an important Postscript to the original 1936 article, responding particularly to criticisms of his use of evidence from Milan by A. De Capitani d’Arzago, La “Chiesa Maggiore” di Milano: Santa Tecla (Milan, 1952), pp.45-76 and csp. pp. 45-56: the supposed ‘first construction’ in 836 is certainly a re-building al. re-dedication.

⁴² The Metz list, on a two-leaf insertion in the (non-Metz) Gospel-book BN, MS. lat. 268, was edited by T. Klauscr, ‘Eine Stationsliste der Metzcr Kirche aus dem 8. J.h., wahrschcinlich cin Werk Chrodcgangs’, Ephemerides Liturgicae, 44 (1930), pp. 162-93; also in T. Klauser, Cesammelte Arbeiten zur Liturgiegeschichte, Kirchengeschichte u. Christlichen Archäologie, ed. E. Dassmann, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, Erg.-Bd 5 (Miinster, 1974), pp. 22-45. The very questionable attempts to interpret this text in the light of evidence from the monastery of St Riquier c, 800 are considered below. For the much later Cologne ‘stational liturgy’, see A. Wolff, ‘Kirchenfamilie Köln. Von der Wahrung der geistlichcn Einheit einer mittlelalterlichcn Bischofsstadt durch das Stationskirchenwcscn’, Colonia Romanica, i (1986), pp. 3 3-44; Der atteste ‘Liber Ordinarius’ der Stifiskirche St Aposteln in Kñln, ed. A Odenthal, Studicn zur Kölner Kirchengeschichtc, 28 (Siegburg, 1994), pp. 51-91, with an instructive table at pp. 54-5.

⁴³ Haussling, A. A., Monchskonvent und Eucharisticfeier: Eine Studie iiber die Messe in der abendlandischen Klosterliturgie des früheren Mittelalters und zur Ceschichte der Messhäufigkeit, Liturgiewissenschaftliche Qucllen und Forschungen [hereafter LQF], 58 (Miinster in Westfalen, 1973), esp. pp. 40-72, 298–347.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ A mass at S. Lorenzo before the Blessing of Palms and procession to the cathedral figures in the earliest Ambrosian sacramentaries as, e.g., the ‘Sacramcntary of Biasca’, Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, MS A 24 bis inf.: Corpus Ambrosiano-Liturgicum ii: Das Ambrosianische Sakramentar von Biasca, ed. O. Hciming, LQF, 51 (Miinster, 1969), pp. 59-60 (no. lxv). The earliest evidence for the three days of litanies, halting at most of the churches in the city, and for the seasonal alternation of the cathedral ecclesiae is the Gospel-book and capitulare evangeliorum. Busto Arsizio, Biblioteca capitolare (S. Giovanni Battista) cod. M 1.14, of s.ix². I have not seen this remarkable manuscript, and have been unable to consult any of the (partial) editions, for which see C. Vogcl, Medieval Liturgy: an Introduction to the Sources, trans. and rev. W. Storey and N. Rasmussen (Washington, DC, T986), pp. 331-2. But the single (unidentified) folio of the manuscript illustrated in E. Cattaneo, ‘Storia e particolarità del Rito Ambrosiano’, in [Fondazione Treccani degli Alfieri] Storia di Milano, 3, p. 793, shows the reading for the dominica ante transmigratione[m] ecclesie followed by the readings for the first day of the litanies, beginning in sancto Simpliciano.

⁴⁵ Details in Bullough, D. A., Alcuin: Achievement and Reputation (forthcoming, 2000), Pt 11 ch.1.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Trier, Stadtbibliothek, MS 120/1170, fol. ‘CLXXXIII’”; MGH. Poetae Latini aevi Carolini, ed. E. Dümmler, 2 parts in I vol. (Berlin, 1880-1), pp. 348-9 (with a wrong manuscript number). The concluding (dedicatory) line as printed is no part of the poem in the manuscript and has no necessary bearing on its authorship: compare P. Dronke, The beginnings of the Sequence’, Beitràge zur Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache und Literatur, 87 (1965), pp. 50-1. According to Edmund Bishop, Liturgica Historica (Oxford, 1918), p. 329: ‘In a letter of Alcuin’s wc get a glimpse of the people joining in a litany of sorts; but in fact it all seems the noisy shout of a crowd just repeating the ejaculation of Kyrie eleison’ He gives no reference, and I do not know which letter he had in mind.

⁴⁷ Dümmler, MGH. Epistolae, IV, no. 226. The section of the letter of which this is the middle sentence presents considerable problems of translation and interpretation, which I have endeavoured to resolve elsewhere (as above, n.45).

⁴⁸ Ed. by Étaix, R., ‘Un manuel de pastorale de l’epoque carolingienne (Clm 27152)’, Revue Bénédictine, 91 (1981), pp. 105–30 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, this passage at pp. 117-18, and previously from a single late manuscript in MGH. Cone, II/i, pp. 198-201.

⁴⁹ MGH. Cap. Episc, 1, p. 211 (c.6), pp. 39-40 (c.9).

⁵⁰ H&S, 3, pp. 416-30 (reprinting F. W. H. Wasserschleben’s text of 1851 - in Die Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche - but giving variants from MS Bodlcy 718), at p. 417.

⁵¹ I.e. BAV, MS Pal. Lat. 554, at fol. 5 (the text that follows omits cc. 14 and 15); for the manuscript, see B. Bischoff, Die Abtei Lorsch im Spiegel ihrer Handschriften (2nd edn, Lorsch, (1989), pp. 57-8, 124. My reservations have not been ended by R. Haggenmüller’s intricate study of manuscript affiliations and textual development, Die Überlieferung der Beda und Egbert zugeschriebenen Bussbücher, Europäische Hochschulschriften, 461 (Frankfurt am Main, 1991), esp. pp. 148-95, 282, 295-8.

⁵² Polyptyque de Saint-Rémi de Reims, ed. B. Guérard (Paris, 1857), pp. 56, 78, 61-2, 38: for the type of book listed as missalis gelasii al. gelasianus, see below, n.58. Two churches have copies of Jerome on Matthew (S. Hiewnymi presbyteri opera, Paris I, 7, ed. D. Hunt and M. Adriacn, CChr. SL, 77 [Turnhout, 1969]), two other churches have copies of Gregory the Great’s omilia XL. The books of the Bavarian ‘royal’ monastery of Staffelsee c.810 (Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, III/i: Bistum Augsburg, ed. P. Ruf [Munich, 1932], pp. 164-5) included Gregory’s Forty Homilies, Jerome on Matthew and an anonymous expositio Psalmorum but no other patristic writings.

⁵³ Freising, nos. 597, 646, 1031. The Kollersdorf priest had previously bequeathed his books to the cathedral: ibid., no. 572, where the second book is indeed a lectionarium. These arc among the eleven inventories in Freising, Rcgensburg, and Passau charters to 899 analysed by C. I. Hammer, ‘Country churches, clerical inventories and the Carolingian Renaissance in Bavaria’, ChH, 49 (1980), pp. 5-17. All these churches were in some sense ‘proprietary’ ones, as Hammer correctly remarks (pp. 12-13): but the possible differences between the books owned by established priests and those conveyed with a lay proprietary church arc not explored; and note that the view attributed to me on p. 6 both misrepresents what I actually said (namely, that a general obligation to maintain and advance the Christian faith ‘would be meaningless so long as many of the clergy were’ illiterate) and ignores the fact that I was referring to the situation before ‘the Carolingian Renaissance’.

⁵⁴ Inventari Altomedioevali di Terre, Coloni e Redditi ed. A. Castagnoli et al., Fonti per la Storia d’Italia, 104 (Rome, 1979), p. 109.

⁵⁵ The books prescribed by Haito of Basel and (FjEgbert of York and (above, p. 44 and 1111.49, 50) include a lectionarium but no book of Gospel-readings; two centuries later Ælfric assumes in his first Latin letter to Archbishop Wulfstan (Die Hirtenbriefe Ælfrics in ahenglischen und lateinischer Fassung, ed. B. Fchr, Bibliothek der angclsachsischen Prosa, 9 [Hamburg, 1914; repr. with supplement, Darmstadt, 1966], pp. 35-57, at p. 51) that the reference is to an epistle-lectionary - ‘lectionarium quod quidam vocant epistolarium’.

⁵⁶ The mass-chants in Brussels, Bibliothèque royale, MS 10127-44 (below, pp. 48-9 and n.65) have the heading (fol. 90), ‘In Dei nomen incipit antcfonarius ordinatus a sancto Gregorio per circulum anni’.

⁵⁷ In the ‘Old Gelasian’ sacramentary, BAV, MS Vat Reg. 316, III lxxxiv, lxxxv: The Celasian Sacramentary: Liber sacramentorum Romanae ecclesiae, ed. H. A. Wilson (Oxford, 1894), pp. 291-2; Liber sacramentorum Romanae œcclesiae ordinis anni circuii (Cod. Vat. Reg. Lai. 316/Paris Bibl. nat. 7193, 41/56), ed. L. C. Mohlberg, L. Eizcnhófcr, P. Siffrin, Rerum Ecclcsiasticarum Documenta: scries maior, fontes, 4 (Rome, 1960), nos 1576-94; a selection already in the ‘Bobbio Missal’ (from an Alpine-region or N. Italian village? c.700), The Bobbio Missal: a Gallican Mass-Book (MS. Paris Lat. 13246), ed. E. A. Lowe et al, 2 vols, HBS, 58, 61 (London, 1920-3; repr. as one vol., 61, 1991), 1, pp. 171-2 (nos 563-73), and subsequently in ‘Frankish Gelasian’ and supplemented ‘Gregorian’ sacramentaries (Le Sacramentaire Grégorien: ses principales formes d’après les plus anciens manuscrits, ed. J. Dcshusscs, 3 vols, Spicilegium Friburgense, 16, 24, 28 [hereafter Dcshusscs, Sacr. Greg.] [Fribourg, 1971-82; 2nd edn of vol. 1 1979, preface only changed], i, nos. 1487-1509). For collectars and their contents, see especially Alicia Corrca’s introduction to her edition of The Durham Collectar, HBS, 107 (London, 1992), pp. 18-75. The earliest is St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 349, pp. 5-36 (= Codices Latini Antiquiores, ed. E. A. Lowe, 11 vols [Oxford, 1934-66], 7, no. 937), described by Correa, Durham Collectar, pp. 22-5; all extant Carolingian-period collectars arc of monastic or cathedral-church origin (and use?). Episcopal statutes prescribing the saying of horas canonicas tarn nocturnas quam diurnas are those of Haito of Basel and Radulf of Bourges (MGH. Cap. Episc, 1, pp. 218 [c.2]), 239 [c.8]).

⁵⁸ Preserved only in HariulPs carly-twclfth-ccntury Chronicon Centulense, ed. F. Lot, Hariulf Chronique de l’abbaye de St.-Riquier, Collection de Textes pour servir à l’étude et à l’enseignement de l’histoire (Paris, 1894), p. 93; also in C. Vogel, ‘La réforme liturgique sous Charlemagne’, in Karl der Grosse, Lebenstverk und Nachleben [hereafter Karlswerk], 2: Das Geistige Leben, ed. B. Bischoff (Düsseldorf, 1965), p. 228. For missalis gelasianus etc., see Vogel, ‘Reforme liturgique’, p. 228 n.69 and B. Moreton, The Eighth-Century Gelasian Sacramentary: a Study in Tradition (Oxford, 1976), p. 170.

⁵⁹ Below, p. 49.

⁶⁰ Deshusscs, Sacr. Grég., 1, pp. 35-47; 3, pp. 19-59.

⁶¹ Bischoff, B., Die Südostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit [hereafter Bischoff, Schreibschulen], 1, 2nd edn (Wiesbaden, 1960)Google Scholar, 2 (Wiesbaden, 1980), passim.

⁶² Edited by Heiming, Das Ambrosianische Sakramentar von Biasca. That it was intended from the start for a rural ‘parish’, even though it retained features proper to the cathedral town, is indicated by the language of the Lenten litanies, in which the Pro civitate hac of, e.g., the ‘Sacramentary of Bergamo’ (Codex Sacramentorum Bergomensis, ed. P. Cagin [Solesmes, 1900], pp. 37, 43; Sacramentarium Bergomense, ed. A. Parcdi [Bergamo, 1962] [which was not available to me]), is replaced by Pro plebe hac (Heiming, Das Ambrosianische Sakramentar von Biasca, pp. 42, 47). An entry of c.840 (not ‘c.880’) in the Liber Viventium Fabariensis, p. 42, under the heading Hec sunt nomina presbitorum de Aviasca (complete facsimile, Basel, 1973; MGH. Libri Confratemitatum S. Galli, Augienses, …, ed. P. Piper [Berlin, 1884]) lists an archipresbiter and seven presbiteri.

⁶³ Martimort, A-G., ‘Répertoires des livres liturgiques de Languedoc’, Cahiers de Fanjeaux, 17 (1982), pp. 51–80 Google Scholar; also idem, ‘Sources, histoire et originalité de la liturgie Catalano- Languedocicnnc’, ibid., pp. 27-9. For the Moussoulcns sacramentary of c1100, Carcassonne, Bibliothèque Séminaire, s.n., as a product of the monastery on which that village church was dependent, see A-G. Martimort, ‘Un sacramcntairc de la région’ de Carcassonne des environs de l’année 1100’, Mélanges en l’honneur de Mgr Michel Andrieu (Strasbourg, 1956), pp. 305-26.

⁶⁴ Compare the pre-Carolingian ‘Bobbio Missal’, which E. A Lowe, The Bobbio Missal, 2, pp. 105-6, characterized as the work of ‘an old cleric in an obscure village’ who ‘crowded into his Missal much more than properly belonged there’ (e.g. lectiones), and the missales cum evangeliis etc. possessed later by St Rémi (Rheims)’s dependent churches.

⁶⁵ J. Van den Ghcyn, Catalogue des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, 1: Écriture sainte et liturgie (Brussels, 1901), no. 363 (10127-44) must be corrected and supplemented, for fols 1-79V, from H. Mordek, Kirchenrecht und Reform im Frankenreich, Bcitràge zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des Mittelalters, 1 (Berlin and New York, 1975), pp. 276-7, 219-21 and, for fols 79V-135V, from Les ‘Ordines Romani’ du haut moyen âge, ed. M. Andricu, 5 vols, Spicilegium sacrum Lovanicnscs: études et documents, fasc. 11, 23-4, 28-9 (Louvain, 1931-61) [hereafter Andrieu, Ordines], 1, pp. 91-6. The mass-sets, baptismal ordo, and blessings are edited by C. Cocbergh and P. de Puniet in Testimonia Orationis Christianae Antiquioris, CChr. CM, 77 (Turnhout, 1977), pp. 85-110. R. McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789-895 (London, 1977), p. 127, cites this manifestly non-monastic book among her ‘evidence’ that ‘the diffusion of the Gelasian type of sacramentary … was largely confined to the monasteries’, in this instance St Peter’s, Ghent But it was almost certainly only after it had ceased to be used liturgically that it entered the monastic library (the ex-libris is of c. 1200); and the added note on fol. 89V, ‘Dc scrvitio domni episcopi et archidiaconi. De und matrice accclcsia mod. I de farrina etc. ad modum leodicensi’ (Liege), shows that it was still a secular ‘country church’ book in s.ix/x.

⁶⁶ Zurich, Zcntralbibliothek, cod. Rh.30: Moreton, Eighth-Century Gelasian Sacramentary, pp. 184-7; Sacramentarium Rheinaugiense, ed. A. Hànggi, Spicilegium Friburgense, 15 (Fribourg, 1970). It was written neither for Rcichenau(!) nor Rheinau, as supposed by McKitterick, Frankish Church, p. 127: Rheinau’s effective foundation was indeed a half- century later than the penning of the manuscript (on this see most recently H. Lowe, ‘Findan von Rheinau. Einc irische percgrinatio im 9. Jahrhundert’, Studi Medievali, ser. 3, 26 (1985), pp. 53-100, at pp. 63-75).

⁶⁷ John Harper’s proposition that ‘in most instances [parish churches] followed the Use of a larger church (often the local cathedral) rather than instigating their own customs’ (The Forms and Orders of Western Liturgy from the Tenth to the Eighteenth Century [Oxford, 1991], p. 26) cannot be disproved; but it is quite unprovable for the earliest of the centuries with which he is declaredly concerned, and may indeed make the situation sound more regular and consistent than it then was.

⁶⁸ JEH, 8 (1957), pp. 222-6.

⁶⁹ For Benedict’s ‘authorship’ of the Supplement and the earliest manuscript evidence for it sec, most conveniently, Dcshusses, Sacr. Greg, 1, pp. 61-70, 3, pp. 66-75; also Mundo, A. M., ‘Sur quelques manuscrits liturgiques languedociens de l’époque carolingienne’, Cahiers de Fanjeaux, 17 (1982), pp. 81–95 Google Scholar. F°^r ‘Visigothic’ and ‘Gallican’ survivals, see Martimort, ‘Sources, histoire et originalité’, ibid., pp. 25-49, csp. pp. 31-41; A. Olivar, ‘Survivances wisigothiques dans la liturgie Catalano-languedocienne’, ibid, pp. 158-72.

⁷⁰ See Alturo, J., ‘Les inventaires de livres en Catalogne du DCc au XIlc siècles’, Scriptorium, 50 (1996), pp. 370–9 Google Scholar, at p. 372 (on the basis of testaments in C. Baraut, Els documents conservats a l’Arxiu Capitular de la Seu d’Urgell [Urgel, 1979 et scq.], which I have not seen).

⁷¹ For a good presentation of the arguments, see Hilcy, D., Western Plainchant: a Handbook (Oxford, 1993), pp. 503–23, csp. 513-20.Google Scholar

⁷² PL 132, cols 483-502 (without the accompanying tonary), at 483-4; a promised new edition by the musicologist Yves Chartier seems not to have appeared. The limited manuscript tradition offers both a shorter and a longer version; it is just possible that the former, which omits a long theoretical or philosophical section, was specifically directed at village priests.

⁷³ On which see especially Clofesho 747 c.12 (H&S, 3, 366): ‘Ut presbyteri saecularium poetarum modo in ecclesia non garriant, ne tragico sono sacrorum verborum compositionem ac distinctionem corrumpant vel confundant, sed simplicem sanctamque mclodiam secundum morem ecclcsiac sectentur.’

⁷⁴ Wright, R., Late Latin and Early Romance in Spain and Carolingian France (Liverpool, 1982)Google Scholar; R. Wright, ed., Latin and the Romance Languages in the Early Middle Ages (London, 1990), csp. Pt II.

⁷⁵ R. Cabic, The Church at Prayer, ed. A. G. Martimort, 2: The Eucharist (Collcgevillc, MN, and London, 1986), pp. 133-4; Gy, P.-M., ‘La doctrine eucharistique dans la liturgie romaine du haut Moyen-age’, Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, XXXIII: Segni e Riti nella Chiesa Altomedievale Occidentale [hereafter Segni e Riti] (Spoleto, 1987), pp. 532-54, at pp. 537–9 Google Scholar. But G. G. Willis, Further Essays in Early Roman Liturgy (London, 1968), pp. 123-9 (‘The Secret’), argues for a very different chronology.

⁷⁶ As by McKitterick, R., The Carolingians and the Written Word (Cambridge, 1989) and elsewhere.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁷ Wallace-Hadrill, J. M., The Frankish Church (Oxford, 1983), p. 280 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also ibid., p. 283.

⁷⁸ Haito: MGH. Cap. Episc, i, p. 215 (c.16). Architectural cancelli (cf. Walahfrid’s De exordiis, MGH. Cap., 2, p. 480 and Alice Harting-Correa’s comments in her Translation and Liturgical Commentary, p. 222): the greatest body of evidence comes from south of the Alps, comprehensively published in the Corpus della Scultura Altomedievale of the Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo (14 vols so far; Spoleto, 1959-); but the commentaries of the several editors show how very uncertain is their stylistic sequence and dating. Compare, for Carolingian Francia, the very selective account by E. Dobercr, ‘Die ornamentale Steins-kulptur an dcr karolingischcn Kirchcnausstattung’, in Karlswerk, 3: Karolingische Kunst, ed. W. Braunfels and H. Schnitzler (Düsseldorf, 1965), pp. 203-33, esp. pp. 205-17. Vela, cortinae. the many examples in secular churches recorded in Schatzuerzeichnisse (see index s.w.) obviously served more than one purpose; but Doberer, ‘Ornamentale Steinskulptur’, p. 212, assumes that the surviving (usually fragmentary) screen cross-beams will often have had curtains hanging from them. For the velum that conceals a female congregation see, e.g., MGH. Cone, II/2, p. 455.

⁷⁹ Kolping, A., ‘Amalar von Metz und Florus von Lyon, Zcugen cines Wandcls im liturgischen Mystericnverstandnis in der Karolingerzeit’, ZkT, 73 (1951), pp. 424–64 Google Scholar; P.-M. Gy, ‘History of liturgy in the west to the Council of Trent’, in A. G. Martimort, ed., The Church at Prayer, 1: Principles of the Liturgy (London, 1987), pp. 56-7. Florus’s Expositio was ed. and commented on by P. Duc, Etude sur l’Expositio Missae de Florus de Lyon (Lyons, Thèse de Doctorat; Bellcy, 1937).

⁸⁰ De corpore et sanguine domini, ed. B. Paul, CChr. CM, 16 (Turnhout, 1969), p. 5.

⁸¹ The most recent edition of the only partly-preserved Institutio Angilberti Centulensi, from BAV, MS Reg. 235 and Hariulfs Chronicon Centulense, by K. Hallinger and M. Wegener (with limited liturgical notes by H. Frank) in Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum, 1: Initia Consuetudinis Benedictinae, ed. K. Hallingcr (Siegburg, 1963), pp. 283-303, was unfortunately unknown to D. Parsons, The pre-Romanesquc church of St-Riquicr: the documentary evidence’, JBAA, 129 (1976), pp. 21-51. Some of Parsons’s textual points are of doubtful merit: but his criticisms of the claims of C. Hcitz and others for precise parallels with Metz’s more skclctally-documcntcd liturgical practice earlier and with the ceremonies in Westwerken later (see csp. pp. 48-50), and his own alternative interpretations of Angilbert’s account, are very much to the point. (For the St Riquier litanies, see now M. Lapidge’s introduction to his Anglo-Saxon Litanies of the Saints, HBS, 106 [London, 1991] [hereafter Lapidgc, Litanies], pp. 36-9.) The Metz list is apparently the earliest evidence in the West of a Palm Sunday procession, going from an extra-mural church to the intra-mural St Peter’s. The ‘Bobbio Missal’, however, has a Benedictio palme et olive with the incipit Ecce dies domine festa recolitur. ed. Lowe, The Bobbio Missal, 1, p. 170 no. 558.

⁸² Dumas, Liber sacramentorum Gellonensis, pp. 332-3 (no. 2313); Lapidgc, Litanies, pp. 33-4-

⁸³ Tous ceux qui ont eu le privilège de feuilleter le célèbre sacramentaire de Gellone ont pu constater qu’il est pratiquement intact: preuve évidente qu’il n’a jamais été qu’un objet de musée pour ses possesseurs’: so R. Amiet, ‘Le plus ancien témoin du Supplement d’Alcuin’, Ephemerides Liturgicae, 72 (1958), pp. 97-110, at p. 109; cf. McKitterick, Frankish Church, p. 127.

⁸⁴ Andricu, Ordines, 2, p. 84 (c.52), cf. Ordo IV (in Paris BN, MS lat. 974: Northern French but hardly St Amand) c.20: ibid., p. 159.

⁸⁵ With untranscribablc neumatic musical setting, for the first time in the great St-Gallcn book Stiftsbibliothek, MS 391, pp. 35-42; the melody in Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi i: Hymnen, ed. B. Stablcin (Kasscl and Basel, 1956), p. 482 (no. 1008), cf. pp. 616-17, is from the fourteenth-century Kremsmiinster, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 31. In the lost Sirmond manuscript of Theodulfs poetry the text of Gloria laus et honor etc. (MGH. Poetae, I, pp. 558-9) apparently had the rubric ‘versus facti ut a pueris in die palmarum cantarentur’; the late-tenth-century Regularis concordia, c.36 (in Regularis concordia, ed. T. Symons Nelson’s Medieval Texts [London and Edinburgh, 1953], p. 35), allocated the hymn to the monasticpueri, with the rest of the congregation singing the refrain; and similarly, with some variations, in later customarics etc.

⁸⁶ Miscellaneous Writings and Letters, ed. J. E. Cox, PS (Cambridge, 1846), p. 412: quoted by H. Gncuss, Hymnar und Hymnen im Englischen Mittelalter (Tubingen, 1968), p. 234.

⁸⁷ The Trier evidence is spendidly exploited by N. Kyll, Tod, Grab, Begräbnisplatz, Totenfeier, Rhcinischcs Archiv, 81 (Bonn, 1972): for the Carolingian period, esp. pp. 30-41, 189-91. D. A. Bullough, ‘Burial, community and belief in the early medieval West’, in P. Wormald, D. Bullough, and R. Collins, eds, Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society (Oxford, 1983), pp. 177-201, uses selectively archaeological and textual evidence from other parts of Western Europe also; for this period see esp. pp. 198-201. P.-A. Février, ‘La Mort chrétienne’, Segni e Riti, pp. 881-942, ranges far more widely, chronologically and geographically. Almost no account is taken, however, of the extensive post-800 document ary evidence for ‘rites’; and citing the evidence for commemorative masses, including one on the seventh day, in the cighth/ninth-ccntury ‘Autun sacramentary’ (ibid., pp. 905-6; Liber Sacramentorum Augustodunensis, ed. O. Hciming, CChr. SL, 159B [Turnhout, 1984]). Février seems not to have appreciated that the mass-set rubric is one found already in the Vatican Gelasian (III, cv: Wilson, The Gelasian Sacramentary, p. 312; Mohlberg et al, Liber sacramentorum Romanae æcclesiae, before nos. 1690-5), while the other two quotations arc from its final, penitential, section which is largely made up of extracts from one or other of the versions of Theodore’s Penitential (Bk II in the discipulas Umbrensium version): Die Canones Theodori Cantuariensis und ihre Überlieferungsformen, ed. P. W. Finsterwaldcr (Weimar, 1929), pp. 318-19, 249, 265-6, 273.

⁸⁸ Regino, Libri duo de synodalibus causis et discipulus ecclesiasticis, ed. F. W. H. Wasserschleben (Leipzig, 1840), pp. 24, 145, 243, and other passages quoted by Kyll, Tod, Grab, pp. 30-1; The Sacramentary of Echternach, ed. Y. Hen, HBS, 110 (London, 1997). pp. 441-7 (nos 2290-2508). The rubric quoted (no. 2302) continues: ‘missae celebrentur et of Ferantur ab omnibus. Post caelebrationcm vero missae stat sacerdos iuxta feretrum et dixit orario’, which is the ‘Mozarabic’ prayer adopted as Aniane Supplement no. 1401 (Deshusses, Sacr. Grég., 1, p. 458), inc. ‘Non intrcs in iudicio cum servo tuo’; the aliae orationes have more than one source.

⁸⁹ MGH. SS, VIII (Hanover 1848/Leipzig 1925), pp. 231-2 (ed. G. Waitz); J. Hau. Aus dem Altmattheiser Wunderbuch (Trier, 1948), p. 63; Kyll, Tod, Grab, p. 39.

⁹⁰ MGH. Cone, II/i, pp. 173, 261, etc.; MGH. Cap. Episc, 1, pp. 19 (c.10), 211 (c.7), etc. The Easter baptisms at Florence were remarked on by several visitors from northern Europe in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and early nineteenth centuries.

⁹¹ Flint, V., ‘Susanna and the Lothar Crystal: a liturgical perspective’, Early Medieval Europe, 4 (1995), pp. 61-86, at pp. 72–6 Google Scholar. But Professor Flint’s linking of the mass Ad sanctam Susannam on the third Saturday in Lent and its lectiones Dan. 13.1-62 and John 8.1-11 with one of the pre-baptismal scrutinies for parents, sponsors, and infantes, and the inferences she draws from that supposed link, depend entirely on an unfortunate confusion between the originally distinct ‘Gregorian’ (papal stational) and the ‘Gelasian’ (Roman presbyteral) liturgies. The statio (the only one at that church) and its mass-lections, including the story of Susanna, belong to the first-named. The scrutiny and its associated mass (originally on the Sunday but then moved back to Saturday) took place at the presbyteral and other churches with a font (which Sta Susanna did not have until the time of Leo III), the readings being - as Ordo XI makes clear - Ezck. 36.25-9 and Matt. 11.25-30, after which ‘offcruntur oblationcs a parentibus [infantium] vcl ab his qui ipsos susccpturi sunt’ (cf. Flint, ‘Susanna’, p. 74); ‘finita missarum sollemnia communiccnt omnes practer ipsos infantes’: Andrieu, Ordines, 2, pp. 424-6 (cc.28-32, 36-8). Compare J. H. Lynch, Godparents and Kinship in Early Medieval Europe (Princeton, NJ, 1986), pp. 289-92, who observes that before the mass on the occasion of the fifth scrutiny the infantes are apparently handed over to a baby-sitter (‘foris relinquunt ipsos infantes in custodia’: Andrieu, Ordines, 2, p. 441 [c.73])!

⁹² Early ninth-century commentaries on the baptismal liturgy, whether in answer to a questionnaire sent out in the Emperor’s name or indirectly inspired by it, vary between those that include large parts of Ordo XTs account of the sevenfold scrutinies (e.g. Theodulf of Orleans, PL 105, cols 223-40, or Jesse of Amiens, ibid., cols 781-91: a near-contemporary copy, although without the preface, in the St Amand-area manuscript St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 124, pp. 310-26) and those which, like Alcuin earlier, implicitly accept the notion of a single occasion. For the next century, see the ordo scrutiniorum in the Sacramentarium Fuldense (Gottingen, Universitätsbibliothek, cod. thcol. 231), ed. G. Richter and A. Schonfelder (Fulda, 1912; repr. as HBS, 101 [Farnborough, 1977]), pp. 329-43 (nos 470-4), with the comments of Cramer, Baptism and Change, pp. 195-7. But Dr Cramer may not have recognized that the Sacramentary is here heavily dependent on, although not exactly identical with, Ordo Romanus L (ed. Andrieu, Ordines, 5) = Le Pontifical Romano-Germanique du dixième siècle, ed. C. Vogel and R. Elze, Studi e Testi, 226-7 (Vatican City, 1963) at pp. 226-7, which had itself drawn on the eighth-century Ordo XI; for some of the implications of this, compare Lynch, Godparents and Kinship, pp. 297-302. The prohibition is among the ‘consanguinity’ decrees of the 813 Council of Mainz, MGH. Cone, II/i, p. 273.

⁹³ Epistolae Karolini aevi, III, ed. Dummler, E. et al, MGH. Epistolarum, V (Berlin, 1899), p. 522 Google Scholar, from one of the letters known only from extracts in the Magdeburg Ccnturiators (who surely, rather than a medieval compiler - as supposed by Cramer, Baptism and Change, p. 140 - are responsible for the approving comment); MGH. Cap. Episc, 1, p. 68 (c.21).

⁹⁴ P.-M. Gy, ‘La formule “je te baptise” (et ego te baptÌ2o)’, in B. Bobrinsky, C. Bridel, et al, eds, Communio Sanctorum. Mélanges offerts à J. J. von Alimeli (Geneva, 1982), pp. 65-72; Cramer, Baptism and Change, pp. 139-41; above, n.92.

⁹⁵ Text: Die kicineren althochdeutschen Sprachdenkmàler, ed. E. von Stcinmcycr (Berlin, 1916; repr. 1963), be (p. 43). Manuscript: Kasscl, Murhardsche Bibliothek und Landscbibliothek, MS 4⁰ Thcol. 24, ‘nach Schrift und Inhale baycrisch aus dcm erstcn Vicrtel des IX. Jhs’ (Bischoff, Schreibschulen, 2, p. 185). It has only sixty leaves, the first part canones, the two leaves after the Exhortatio a Latin-German glossary, could it originally have been one of the books of a south-German country church? It was at Fulda only very much later.

⁹⁶ Cramer, Baptism and Change, pp. 141-51. For Mediterranean dioceses where the older rite was maintained, see ibid., p. 140 n.27.

⁹⁷ Hincmar, Collectio, ed. Stratmann, pp. 101-2. (In his first diocesan capitula Hincmar, like earlier ‘national’ councils, had used the singular scrutinium: ‘Ut scrutinium ct omncm ordinem baptizandi nulli penitus liccat ignorare’, PL 105, c.773.) The editor adds to the confusion with her cross-reference to Sacramentum Gelasianum, I, 75 (Wilson, The Gelasian Sacramentary, p. 117; Mohlberg et al. Liber sacramentorum Romanae æcdesiac, no. 615), which actually says - in the context of infirm catechumens - ‘consignatur ab episcopo’. But ordines XI and XV and Benedict of Anianc in his Gregorian Supplement already use confirmare (Andricu, Ordines 2, p. 446 [c.ioo], 3, p. 120 [c.119]; Dcshusscs, Sacr. Greg., 1, no. 1088). Is Hincmar’s consignado the imposition of the cross by the priest at baptism?

⁹⁸ MGH. Cap. Episc, 1, p. 249 (c.20): ‘quamdiu in albis sunt, cotidie [sic!] a patrinis ad ccclcsiam cum luminaribus deducantur, ct corpus et sanguinem Christi usque in diem octavum acquali iure cuncti pcrcipcrc studeant’; Andricu, Ordines, 2, pp. 446-7 (cc.103-4), 3, p. 120(cc.i 18, 120); Dcshusscs, Sacr. Grég. 1, nos. 1088, 1089. That it was normal practice also in pre-1066 England is indicated by the (eleventh-century) miraculous story of Rumwold, grandson of Penda of Mcrcia, who was baptized, communicated, and preached about the Christian faith before dying at three days old (quoted by S. Footc, ‘“By water in the spirit”: the administration of baptism in early Anglo-Saxon England’, Pastoral Care, pp. 171-2).

⁹⁹ Cramer, Baptism and Change, pp. 151-2, 267-70, 282-90. See also Bullough, D. A., ‘Social and economic structure and topography in the early medieval city’, Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, XXI. Topografia Urbana e Vita Cittadina nell’Alto Medioevo in Occidente (Spoleto, 1974), pp. 351-99, csp. pp. 351-2, 360–2.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Davics, W., Small Worlds: The Village Community in Early Medieval Brittany (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA, 1988)Google Scholar; Cartulaire de l’Abbaye de Redon, ed. Aurelien de Courson (Paris, 1863).

¹⁰¹ Brittany: Courson, Cartulaire de Redon, nos. 190 (ante 863), 263 ‘in ecclesia Serent’ (Sércnt) on Sunday 20 July 878, cf. no. 115 of 848. Bavaria: Freising no. 480, of (Monday) 8 December 822: a gift of property to the church at Iscn ‘in ipsam altarcm sancti Zenonis’ etc., in the presence of eleven named witnesses; perhaps ibid., no. 646, of (Saturday) 1 July 842, of property and liturgical books at Puppling, before nineteen witnesses, possibly also ibid., no. 581a, of (Wed.) 17 March 829, before twenty-eight witnesses. I have not noticed any comparable instances in Italian Carolingian-period charters, although it is, of course, not uncommon for charters to be written ante ecclesiam of a rural community.

¹⁰² Courson, Cartulaire de Redon, no. 236.

¹⁰³ Donald Bullough, ‘St Oswald: monk, bishop and archbishop’, in N. Brooks and C. Cubitt, eds, St Oswald of Worcester Life and Influence, Studies in the Early History of Britain the Makers of England, 2 (London and New York, 1996), pp. 17-18.

¹⁰⁴ Byrhtferth, Vita sanai Oswaldi, in Historians of the Church of York and its Archbishops, ed. J. Rainc, 3 vols, Rerum Brittanicarum medii aevi serif tores (Rolls Series) (London, 1879-94), 1, pp. 454-5.

¹⁰⁵ For eulogiae in this sense (for they can also be nominally freewill offerings by priests or ordinary faithful to their bishops and other senior ecclesiastics, as indeed in Hincmar’s Collectio, ed. Stratmann, pp. 105, 108, etc.), see Hincmar’s capitula synodica of 852, c.7 (PL 125, col. 774) and above all Hildcgar of Mcaux’s ‘unique decree of 868 (MGH. Cap. Episc, I, p. 199). This last gives the rationale for the laity’s receiving the eulogiae, before repeating Hincmar’s text of the blessing to be said by the priest before he breaks and distributes the bread. Is it merely coincidence that the only full text of this decree is a marginal addition (by John of Worcester himself, in the 1130s?) to the Worcester chronicle manuscript, Dublin, Trinity College, MS 503, fol. 59V?

¹⁰⁶ Wulfstan of Winchester, Life of St Æthelwold, ed. and transl. M. Lapidgc and M. Winterbottom, Oxford Medieval Texts (Oxford, 1991), p. 6 (c.4).

¹⁰⁷ But by implication Wulfstan believes in the pre-cxistcncc of souls.

¹⁰⁸ ‘Quando fideles missarum solcmnibus interesse properant’ and are ‘not in a state of grace’ to receive the Body and Blood is, according to Hildegar of Mcaux, the reason why they should accept a eulogia of blessed bread: MGH. Cap. Episc, 1, p. 199.

¹⁰⁹ The phraseology is that of the Regula Benedicti, c.4 (‘the Instruments of Good Works’): ‘orationi frequenter incumbere’. In the present context the words could equally well signify ‘praying on her own’ and ‘following the Mass’, with obviously quite different implications for our view of lay ‘spirituality’. The entire chapter of the Rule, except its final sentence, had been taken over by Thcodulf of Orleans verbatim in his first capitulary (c.21) and from him by Rudolf of Bourges (c.13): MGH. Cap. Episc, 1, pp. 117-19, 242-3.

¹¹⁰ Bedc, Vila Cuthberti (prose), ed. Colgravc, B. in Two ‘Lives’ of St Cuthbert (Cambridge, 1940), p. 213 Google Scholar (c.16).