¹ For discussions on the wider implications of the growth of the eremitical life at this time see L’eremitismo [in occident nei secoli XI e XII], Pubblicazioni dell’ Universita cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Miscellanea del centro di studi medioevali, 4 (Milan 1965); [Raison, L’J and Niderst, [R.], [‘Le mouvement érémitique dans I’Ouest de la France à la fin du XIe siècle et au debut du XIIe siècle’], Annales de Bretagne 55 (Rennes 1948)Google Scholar. North west France was not unique in experiencing this phenomenon, see Mahn, J. B., L’ordre cistercien et son gouvernement 1098-1265 (Paris 1945) pp 26–8Google Scholar for a similar movement in northern Italy. For the causes of the revival see [J.] Smith, [unpubl MA] diss. University of London (1977).

² Vita Bernardi, PL 172 (1895) col 1381; Gougaud, [L.], Ermites et Reclus: [études sur d’anciennes formes de vie religieuse] (Ligugé 1928).Google Scholar

³ On Robert see Walter, J. von, Die ersten Wanderprediger Frankreichs (Leipzig 1903 and 1906)Google Scholar; Niderst, R., Robert d’Arbrissel et les origines de l’ordre de Fontevrault (Rodez 1952); Smith, diss.Google Scholar

⁴ [Baudry], Vita [Roberti] I, ASB February III (1658) 10, 11. On the practise of contemplation as a means to perfection see Gougaud, L., ‘La Theoria dans la Spiritualité Medievale’, Revue d’ascétique et de mystique 3 (Toulouse 1922).Google Scholar

⁵ Vita 1: 10.

⁶ Smith, diss.

⁷ Vita 1: 16, 17, 19; Letter of Marbod to Robert, PL 171 (1895) cols 1481-2; Letter of Geoffrey of Vendôme to Robert, PL 157 (1858) cols 181-3.

⁸ Ibid. It is interesting to compare Robert’s earlier career with that of a contemporary, Henry of Lausanne, who was in appearance pursuing a similar career and attracting vast crowds, including women. See Moore, R. I. The Birth of popular Heresy (London 1975) pp 30–60.Google Scholar

⁹ Marbod, PL 172 cols 1480-6; Geoffrey, PL 157 cols 181-4. On the letters of Geoffrey and Marbod see Petigny, [J.], [Robert d’Arbrissel et] Geoffroi [de Vendôme], BEC, 3 ser 5 (1853/4).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Vita 1: 10, 16.

¹¹ Ibid 16, 17.

¹² The most adamant in this belief was [J.] Michelet, [Histoire de France] (Paris 1870) 1, pp 285–6. Sharing this romantic view of Robert’s activities is Bezzola, R., Les origines et la formation de la littérature courtoise en Occident 500-1200, (Paris 1944-63) 2, 2, p 286Google Scholar. Other historians who view Robert’s career in connection with the problem of women are Grundmann, and to a lesser extent, Werner, [E.], [Pauperes Christi] (Leipzig 1956).Google Scholar

¹³ Michelet pp 285–6. For a discussion on virginity and woman as the source of evil see Bugge, J., Virginitas: An Essay in the History of a Medieval Ideal (The Hague 1975) esp caps 1, 2.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Petigny, Geoffroi p 14.

¹⁵ Ibid.

¹⁶ Grundmann pp 40–50; Werner pp 53–72.

¹⁷ Bienvenu, [J.-M.], ‘Robert d” Arbrissel et la fondation de Fontevraud 1101’, Cahiers d’histoire 20 (Quebec 1975)Google Scholar discusses the social and economic implications surrounding the foundation of a religious house; see esp pp 227–33. For a more detailed discussion of Anjou at this time see Bienvenu, , ‘Pauvreté, misères et charité en Anjou aux XIe et XIIe siècles’. Moyen Age, 72 (1966), 73 (1967).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Marbod, PL 172 cols 1480-6; Geoffrey, PL 157 cols 181-4 and Petigny, Geoffroi.

¹⁹ Gougaud, L., ‘Mulierum Consortia: Étude sur le syneisaktisme chez les ascètes celtiques’, Eriu: Journal of the School of Irish Learning, 9-10 (Dublin 1921-3).Google Scholar

²⁰ Iogna-Prat, D., ‘La femme dans la perspective penitentielle des ermites du Bas-Maine (fin XIe début XIIe siècles)’, Revue d’histoire de la spiritualité 53 (Toulouse 1977) p 61.Google Scholar

²¹ Musset, R., Le Bas-Maine (Paris 1917) pp 231–2; Werner pp 31 seq.Google Scholar

²² For evidence of the existence of hermitages see Vita Bernardi, PL 172 col 1380. Raison and Niderst, pp 5–7; Angot, [Abbe], Dictionnaire historique, [topographique et biographique de la Mayenne] 3 vols (Laval 1901-2)Google Scholar, see articles under Alleaume, Bernard of Tiron, Aubert, Habit, Fontaine-Gérard, Trinité.

²³ The church authorities viewed such activity with suspicion.

²⁴ Gougaud, Ermites et Reclus, discusses in detail the organisation established by the hermits themselves; see also Raison and Niderst p 21.

²⁵ Raison and Niderst p. 6 For a detailed list of houses established in the region see Angot, Dictionnaire historique as listed in note 22 above.

²⁶ Gal C 11 (Paris 1870) Instr p 108.

²⁷ Raison and Niderst p 38; Gal C 11 Instr p 111.

²⁸ Werner p 56; Grundmann pp 44–50; Berliére, U., Les monasteres doubles aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles, Academie de Belgique Classe de Lettres et des Sciences morales et politiques, 18 (Brussels 1931) pp 22–3.Google Scholar

²⁹ On Etival-en-Charnie see extensive discussion by Guilloreau, Dom, ‘L’abbaye d’Etival-en-Charnie et ses abbesses, 1109-1790’, Revue historique et Archéologique du Maine 49 (Le Mans 1901)Google Scholar, For brief histories of the smaller houses see Raison and Niderst pp 35 seq.

³⁰ For a discussion on the controversial subject of Robert of Arbrissel’s date of birth see Smith, diss p 9.

³¹ Vita 1: 5, 9.

³² There is some dispute as to what this honour actually entailed in Robert’s case. It has been understood by many historians that he had been given permission to preach the nrst crusade but there is no evidence supporting this claim, neither is there any document in existence to certify pope Urban H’s bestowal of honour on Robert. However, it appears that permission to preach was commonly awarded to orators of great renown, Norbert of Xanten and Vitalis of Mortain were both similarly honoured.

³³ Vita 1: 16, 18.

³⁴ Petigny, Geoffroi p 9. It has been suggested that Robert subjected men to the obedience of women after the example of John the Evangelist, who after the death of Jesus, constantly attached himself to the Virgin Mary.

³⁵ Vita 1: 16, 18, 19 and 22 refer to the heterogeneity of the crowds. Vita 1: 20, 22 and 24 oescribe the various dwellings and how the members of the community were divided.

³⁶ Ibid 1: 15.

³⁷ Ibid 1: 21.

³⁸ Ibid.

³⁹ Marbod, PL 172 cols 1480-6.

⁴⁰ Ibid cols 1481-2.

⁴¹ There was at this time a controversy concerning the merits of the eremitical life as opposed to the monastic. Marbod had made similar accusations in letters to a hermit Engelger, the fear being that once freed from the stable, secure community of a monastery, temptation from the secular world would lead to corruption and consequently damnation. The argument is pursued in an article by Morin, G., ‘Rainaud l’ermite et Ives de Chartres. Un épisode de la crise du cenobitisme au XIe siècle’, RB 40 (1928) pp 99–115Google Scholar. Peter Damian was an advocate of the merits of the eremitic life but was also aware of the need for sound preparation before becoming a solitary, however, he was always prepared to admit recruits direct to the life of the hermitage rather than via the possibly harmful interlude of cenobitic preparation. See McNulty, P., St. Peter Damian: Selected Writings on the Spiritual Life (London 1959) pp 33–47.Google Scholar

⁴² Marbod, PL 172 col 1486.

⁴³ It appears Geoffrey of Vendôme was more vehemently opposed to women and the dangers involved. Petigny, Geoffroi p 14.

⁴⁴ As with the majority of contemporary histories it is the members of the higher classes in society who are fortunate enough to have their names and lives recorded. Information on people of lower status is rarely forthcoming.

⁴⁵ For an account of her life see Petigny, , ‘Lettre [inédite de Robert d’Arbrissel a la Comtesse Ermengarde]’, BEC 3 ser, 5 (1853/4)Google Scholar. The Sermo is translated and edited pp 225–35.

⁴⁶ Petigny, ‘Lettre’ pp 225–35.

⁴⁷ For an example of Petronilla’s determination in safeguarding Fontevrault’s rights see Mattinière, J. de la, ‘Une falsification de document au commencement du XIIe siècle’, Moyen Age, 2 ser 17 (1911) pp 1–45.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Andrew, Vita Roberti II ASB February III (1658) pp 608–16.

⁴⁹ Vita 1: 1-3, the prologue is addressed to Petronilla.

⁵⁰ Raison and Niderst p 33.