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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2016
Religious poetry inevitably echoes the traditions and trends that are evident in the period. At first there are authors who followed paths that persisted well after the beginning of the sixteenth century, but pre-Reformation and Reformation attitudes were bound to mirror themselves among the writers, both in the vernacular and neo-Latin poetry. The ideas of the Reformation affect the neo-Latin poets especially during the 1530s, but they form, as it were, a bulge in the main current, modifying form and themes, but by the end of the period, conservative attitudes have re-established themselves. Neo-Latin may have benefited from the circumstances: Latin has some resonance beyond the frontiers as well as at home, and Protestant thinkers were not as hostile to the classics as may be assumed. There was perhaps a tendency—I will not say more—for censorship to be more lenient to a language that was not accessible to the menu peuple; and humanism, often associated with the new religious ideas, was open at an early stage to neo-classical and classical fashions. It is well known that the ‘lyric’ Horace, not popular at the closing of the Middle Ages, came first through the neo-Latin poets rather than through the Pléiade and its precursors. Horace was not unfamiliar to authors, even in the 1510s, though it was during the 1530s that his lyric poetry was familiar to poets, many of whom came to see what his metres could do for the psalm paraphrasts. In the 1520s or early 1530s, when the Sorbonne’s influence was mitigated, if not entirely reduced, this coincided with the growing interest in Erasmus and the themes he popularized. Regional centres acquired more vigour than Paris; in any case, pedagogic movement fostered the exchange of ideas. This does not mean a general trend towards Reformation in all neo-Latin circles; it is too simple to divide persons and attitudes by locations: many places had conservative attitudes and advanced views. Some Protestants fled to Geneva and beyond; here and there, authors did not publish all they had written in their lifetime; some were floaters whose thinking was affected by the passage of time or circumstance; for a few, discretion was the better part of valour, and one cannot trust literally what was said at any particular moment. And documents and printings suffered from the ravages of time and fortune.
1 Lebègue, R., ‘Horace en France pendant la Renaissance’, Humanism et Renaissance, 3 (1936), pp. 141–64Google Scholar. We mention isolated examples from earlier writers.
2 A number of the texts I mention will be found in the BL and/or the BN. However, as these titles are often rare, I have mentioned some holdings in other public libraries. Here is a list of abbreviations: Ars = Paris, Arsenal; AUL = Aberdeen University Library; BL = London, British Library (British Museum); BN = Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale; Brown = Brown University, Providence John Carter Library; CUL = Cambridge University Library; EUL = Edinburgh University Library; Maz. = Paris, Mazarine; MC = Manchester, Christie Library; MR = Manchester, John Rylands Library; NLS = National Library of Scotland; OB = Oxford, Bodleian Library; TCD = Dublin, Trinity College Library.
3 So far as I know there is no authoritative life of Pierre Rosset; but I have found a number of his books in the CUL, certainly more than in the BL or BN.
4 See Lebègue, R., La Tragedie religieuse en France. Les Débuts1 (1514-1573) (Paris, 1929), ch. 11, pp. 169–93)Google Scholar. Lebègue found the rare Dialogus.
5 Ibid., pp. 123–5.
6 Lebègue, , La Tragédie religieuse en France. La Débuts (1514-1573) (Paris, 1929), ch. 11, pp. 125–8Google Scholar.
7 Aubert, F., Boussard, J., and Meylan, H., ‘Les premières poésies lacines de Théodore de Bèze’, BHR, 15 (1953), pp. 164–91, 257–94Google Scholar. See also Geisendorf, P., Théodore de Bèze (Geneva, , n.d.)Google Scholar; and Gardy, F., Bibliographie des ceuvres théologiques, historiques, littéraires et juridiques de Thèodore de Beze (Geneva, 1960), THR, 41, esp. pp. 1–17Google Scholar.
8 Boussard, J., ‘Un poète latin, directeur spirituel au XVle siecle. Jean Dampierre’, Bulletin philologique et historique (1946—7 appeared in 1950), pp. 33—58Google Scholar, which has a list of Dampierre’s writings.
9 Opera omnia R. Patris D. Dion. Faucherii Monachi Lerinensis et civis arclatensis, ed. V. Barral = Chronologic Sanctorum … Insulae Lerinensis… (Lyons, P. Rigaud, 1613), 2, pp. 22–466.
10 See McFarlane, I. D., Buchanan (London, 1981Google Scholar).
11 On Bourbon see Carré, G., De vita et operibus Nicolaii Borbonii (Paris, 1888)Google Scholar; Saulnier, V.-L., ‘Recherches sur Nicolas Bourbon l’Ancien’, BHR, 16 (1954), pp. 172–91Google Scholar. On the sodalitium generally see Buisson, F.. Sebastien Castellion (Paris, 1892)Google Scholar, i, ch. 2; Christie, R. Copley, Etienne Dolet, the Martyr of the Renaissance (London, 1899Google Scholar); Saulnier, V.-L., Maurice Scève (Paris, 1948—9Google Scholar), i. chs 5 and 6; Febvre, Lucien, Le probleme de Vincroyance au XVle siècle (Paris, 1942)Google Scholar.
12 Boyssonne’s correspondence and poetry are in Toulouse, Bibliotheque Municipale, MSS 834 and 835. See Mugnier, F., La Vie et les poésies dejehan de Boyssonné. Mémoires et documents publiés par la Société savoisienne d’histoire et d’archéologie (Paris, 1897)Google Scholar.
13 See n. 11 above for Etienne Dolet; and more recent works by H. Longeon.
14 Renouard, P., ‘Hubertus Sussannaeus. Hubert de Suzanne’, Revue des Livres Anciens, 2 (1917), pp. 146–58Google Scholar (with a bibliography).
15 See McFarlane, I.D., ‘Jean Salmon Macrin(1490-1557)’, BHR, 21 (1959), pp. 55–84; 311–49; 22 (1960), pp. 73–89Google Scholar; Soubeille, Georges, Jean Salmon Macrin, he Livre des Epilhalames (1528–31Google Scholar). Les Odes de 1530 (Livresletll) = Publications de I’Université de Toulouse-Le Mirail, Sétie A, tome 37 (Toulouse, 1978).