¹ The Holy Wells Research and Preservation Group formed in October 1984 has its own journal. Source, os, 1-9 (1985-8), ns, 1- (1994-).

² See, for examples, Whitelock, D., Brett, M., and Brooke, C. N. L., eds, Councils and Synods with other Documents relating to the English Church I: AD 871-1204, 2 vols (Oxford, 1981), 1, pp. 320, 463, 489Google Scholar; Powicke, F. M. and Cheyney, C. R., eds, Councils and Synods with other Documents Relating to the English Church II: AD 1205-1313, 2 vols (Oxford, 1964), 1, pp. 303, 622, 722Google Scholar; 2, p. 1044.

³ Flint, Valerie I. J., The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Oxford, 1991), pt 3, chs 8, 9, esp. pp. 256–7, 262–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For archaeological evidence of the Christianization of wells, see Blair, John, ‘Minster Churches in the Landscape’, in Hooke, Della, ed., Anglo-Saxon Settlements (Oxford, 1988), pp. 51–2Google Scholar; idem, ‘Churches in the early English landscape: social and cultural contexts’, in Blair, John and Pyrah, Carol, eds, Church Archaeology: Research Directions for the Future (York, 1996), pp. 6–7, 10Google Scholar; Nancy Edwards, ‘Identifying the archaeology of the early Church in Wales and Cornwall’, in ibid., pp. 58-9. For other discussions, see Jones, Francis, The Holy Wells of Wales (Cardiff, 1992), ch. 3Google Scholar; Janet, and Bord, Colin, Sacred Waters: Holy Wells and Water Lore in Britain and Ireland (London, 1985), ch. 2Google Scholar; Rattue, James, The Living Stream: Holy Wells in Historical Context (Woodbridge, 1995), chs 3–5Google Scholar. The general thread of Rattue’s argument anticipates aspects of my own. I have benefited from discussing these issues with my colleague Julia Crick.

⁴ II Kgs 5.10-14; John 5-1-7, 9.7-11.

⁵ See the relevant entry in Fanner, D. H., The Oxford Dictionary of Saints, 3rd edn (Oxford, 1992)Google Scholar. Wells in the lives of the saints are discussed in Jones, Holy Wells of Wales, pp. 29-41; Bord, Sacred Waters, ch. 6. The motif of the spring generated by a fallen martyr’s head seems to originate with the tradition regarding St Paul and Tre Fontane: three fountains sprang up where Paul’s head bounced and fell.

⁶ Rattue, Living Stream, ch. 5, esp. p. 88, though this should be read in conjunction with Duffy, Eamon, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England c.1400-c.1580 (New Haven, CT, 1992), ch. 5, esp. pp. 190–205.Google Scholar

⁷ For St Walstan, see ibid., pp. 200-5. For St Anne’s popularity in the late Middle Ages, sec pp. 181-3. The first mention of St Anne’s well at Buxton seems to be by Worcestre, William c. 1460: Itineraries , ed. Harvey, John H. (Oxford, 1969), p. 69Google Scholar. For a reference to the discovery of the image, see Jones, John, The Benefit of the Auncient Bathes of Buckstones (London, 1572), fol. iv. See also Rattue, Living Stream, pp. 81, 103.Google Scholar

⁸ Hill, Rosalind M. T., ed., The Rolls and Register of Bishop Oliver Sutton 1280-1299, 6, Lincoln Record Society, 64 (1969), pp. 186–7Google Scholar. See also vol. 3, Lincoln Record Society, 48 (1954), p. 37, and vol. 5, Lincoln Record Society, 60 (1965), pp. 143-4. Cf. a similar case at Rippingdale in 1386: Owen, Dorothy M., ‘Bacon and eggs: Bishop Buckingham and superstition in Lincolnshire’, in Cuming, G. J. and Baker, Derek, eds, Popular Belief and Practice, SCH, 8 (1984), pp. 141–2.Google Scholar

⁹ Dew, E. N., ed., Diocese of Hereford. Extracts from the Cathedral Registers AD 1275-1535 (Hereford, 1932), p. 97Google Scholar; Rattue, Living Stream, p. 87.

¹⁰ Maxwell-Lyte, H. C. and Dawes, M. C. B., eds, The Register of Thomas Bekynton Bishop of Bath and Wells 1443-1465, 1, Somerset Record Society, 49 (1934), p. 414Google Scholar. Compare these cases with the extraordinary thirteenth-century French well cult which grew up around St Guinefort, where concerns about paganism are very much to the forefront: Schmitt, Jean-Claude, The Holy Greyhound: Guinefort, Healer of Children since the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge, 1983).Google Scholar

¹¹ Rattue, Living Stream, pp. 84-5.

¹² Ibid., p. 83; Trubshaw, Bob, Holy Wells and Springs of Leicestershire and Rutland (Loughborough, 1990), p. 23.Google Scholar

¹³ Christian, William, Local Religion in Sixteenth-Century Spain (Princeton, NJ, 1981), ch. 3, esp. pp. 83–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar (for the case of Our Lady of the Remedy at Fuensanta). See also Gentilcore, David, From Bishop to Witch: the System of the Sacred in Early Modern Terra d’Ottranto (Manchester, 1992), pp. 118–22Google Scholar, ch. 6, and passim; Zika, Charles, ‘Hosts, processions and pilgrimages: controlling the sacred in fifteenth century Germany’, P&P, 118 (1988), pp. 25–64Google Scholar; Finucane, Ronald C., Miracles and Pilgrims: Popular Beliefs in Medieval England (Basingstoke, 1995), ch. IIGoogle Scholar; Sumption, Jonathan, Pilgrimage: an Image of Mediaeval Religion (London, 1975), ch. 15.Google Scholar

¹⁴ For Walsingham, see Hall, D. J., English Medieval Pilgrimage (London, 1965), ch. 5, esp. p. 119Google Scholar. For St Frideswide at Oxford, see Finucane, Miracles and Pilgrims, pp. 127-9 and Wood, Anthony, Survey of the Antiquities of the City of Oxford, Composed in 1661-6, 3 vols, ed. Clark, Andrew, OHS, 15 (1889), pp. 324, 328–9.Google Scholar

¹⁵ On pilgrimage, see Finucane, Miracles and Pilgims, ch. 3 and passim (quotation at p. 26); Sumption, Pilgrimage, passim, esp. chs 7, 8, 11, 12.

¹⁶ As described by the Elizabethan topographers Carew, Richard and Norden, John: see The Survey of Cornwall, ed. Halliday, F. E. (London, 1953), p. 220Google Scholar and Speculi Britanniae pars. A Topographical and Historical Description of Cornwall (London, 1728), p. 46. A similar procedure was followed at Hexton in Hertfordshire to ascertain if the tutelary saint was inclined to grant one’s petition: BL, MS Add. 6223, fol. 20r.

¹⁷ Finucane, Miracles and Pilgrims, chs 4-8, citations at pp. 59, 67, 103; Sumption, Pilgrimage, ch. 5, quotation at p. 77.

¹⁸ Erasmus, Desiderius, The Whole Familiar Colloquies, tr. and ed. Bailey, Nathan (London, 1877), pp. 238–57Google Scholar, much of which concerns the cult of Our Lady of Walsingham; More, Thomas, The English Works, 2, The Dialogue Concerning Tyndale, ed. Campbell, W. E. (London, 1931), bk i, chs 3-5 and 17, pp. 24–33, 61–3.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Frere, W. H., ed., Visitation Articles and Injunctions of the Period of the Reformation, 3 vols (London, 1910), 2, pp. 37–9 (1538), 115–16, 126 (1547) and 3, pp. 2–3, 6, 9, 16, 21 (1559)Google Scholar. See also 2, pp. 5-6, 37-9, 57-9, 67-8, 177-9.

²⁰ Latimer, Hugh, Sermons and Remains, ed. Corrie, G. E., PS (1845), pp. 363–4Google Scholar. On St Anne in the Wood, see Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic of the Reign of Henry VIII, ed. J. S. Brewer et al., 21 vols (London, 1862-1932), 6, p. 196.

²¹ Frere, ed., Visitation Articles and Injunctions, 3, p. 9.

²² Harrison, William, The Description of England, ed. Edelen, George (Ithaca, NY, 1968), p. 274.Google Scholar

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²⁴ BL, MS Add. 6223, fols 19v-20v.

²⁵ Jones, Holy Wells of Wales, pp. 59-60.

²⁶ For windows and wayside crosses, see Aston, Margaret, ‘Puritans and iconoclasm, 1560-1660’, in Durston, Christopher and Eales, Jacqueline, eds, The Culture of English Puritanism, 1560-1700 (Basingstoke, 1996), esp. p. 94.Google Scholar

²⁷ For Rogationtide processions see Cardwell, Edward, ed., Documentary Annals of the Reformed Church of England, 2 vols (London, 1854), 1, p. 220Google Scholar. For wells as boundary markers, see Smith, William, Ancient Springs and Streams of the East Riding of Yorkshire (London, 1923), pp. 112–13Google Scholar. For Bishop Smith, see Fincham, Kenneth, ed., Visitation Articles and Injunctions of the Early Stuart Church I, Church of England Record Society, 1 (Woodbridge, 1994), p. 209.Google Scholar

²⁸ See Champ, Judith F., ‘Bishop Milner, Holywell, and the cure tradition’, in Sheils, W. J., ed., The Church and Healing, SCH, 19 (1982), pp. 153–64Google Scholar; Hall, English Medieval Pilgrimage, ch. 2.

²⁹ For miraculous cures and providential judgements, see AnBoll, 6 (1887), pp. 305-52; Gerard, John, The Autobiography of an Elizabethan, ed. Caraman, Philip (London, 1951), pp. 45–8.Google Scholar

³⁰ BL, MS Cotton Vitellius C. I, fols 81v-82r; BL, MS Royal 18B, VII, fol. iv.

³¹ Gee, John, The Foot out of the Snare (London, 1624), pp. 33–4Google Scholar; PRO, State Papers [hereafter SP] 16/151/13 (3 Nov. 1629). See also SP 16/38/73 and Kenyon, J. P., ed., The Stuart Constitution, 2nd edn (Cambridge, 1986), p. 146Google Scholar (Archbishop Laud’s return to the King’s instructions for 1636).

³² Kennedy, W. P. M., ed., Elizabethan Episcopal Administration, 3 vols (London, 1924), 3, p. 142Google Scholar; Fincham, ed., Visitation Articles and Injunctions, 1, p. 66.

³³ BL, MS Harley 7188, fol. 93^v, printed in Hartley, T. E., ed., Proceedings in the Parliaments of Elizabeth I, 3 vols (Leicester, 1981-95), 2, pp. 390–1Google Scholar. Note also the complaint of Richard Davies, Bishop of St Davids, that some Welsh JPs defended pilgrimage to wells and ‘blind chapels’ and maintained other forms of ‘idolatry’ and ‘superstition’: A Funerall Sermon Preached the xxvi. Day of November… M.DLXXVI in the Parishe Church of Caermerthyn (London, 1577), sig. D2r.

³⁴ See Hill, J. E. C., ‘Puritans and “the dark corners of the land”’, TRHS, ser. 5, 13 (1963), pp. 77–102Google Scholar and Haigh, Christopher, ‘Puritan evangelism in the reign of Elizabeth I’, EHR, 92 (1977), pp. 30–58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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³⁷ This is surprising as Stubbes was nothing if not comprehensive as a critic: The Anatomie of Abuses (London, 1583). The relevant sections are on sigs M3v-7v. Hall, Thomas, Funebriae Florae (London, 1661)Google Scholar. Wells are not mentioned in Hutton’s, Ronald The Rise and Fall of Merry England: the Ritual Year 1400-1700 (Oxford, 1994).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁸ Ruth, and Morris, Frank, Scottish Healing Wells (Sandy, 1982), pp. 159, 38–9, 189, 188, 190, respectively.Google Scholar

³⁹ Hutton, Ronald, ‘The local impact of the Tudor Reformations’, in Haigh, Christopher, ed., The English Reformation Revised (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 114–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Whiting, Robert, The Blind Devotion of the People: Popular Religion and the English Reformation (Cambridge, 1989), esp. ch. 13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁴¹ Wood, Survey, ed. Clark, pp. 324, 328-9, 577.

⁴² Aubrey, John, Remains of Gentilisme and Judaisme, ed. Britten, James (London, 1881), p. 33.Google Scholar

⁴³ Hope, R. C., The Legendary Lore of the Holy Wells of England (London, 1895), p. 6.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Aubrey, Remaines, p. 34.

⁴⁵ Parker, Kenneth, The English Sabbath (Cambridge, 1988), esp. ch. 7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁶ Aston, “Puritans and iconoclasm’, passim, quotation at p. 104 and see p. 105.

⁴⁷ Wood, Survey, p. 290.

⁴⁸ Drayton, Michael, The Works, ed. Hebel, J. William, 5 vols (Oxford, 1931-41), 4, pp. 53–4Google Scholar. See also Hutton, Rise and Fall of Merry England, pp. 164, 169, 190. But cf. here Richard Helgerson’s reading of Poly-Olbion as an oppositional text imbued with nostalgia for the age of Elizabeth and disdain for James I and his court: Forms of Nationhood: the Elizabethan Writing of England (Chicago, 1992), esp. pp. 128-31, 146-7.

⁴⁹ See, for example, Brand, John, Observations on the Popular Antiquities of Great Britain, ed. Ellis, H., 3 vols (London, 1890-3), 2, pp. 366–87Google Scholar; Hardwick, Charles, Traditions, Superstitions and Folklore (Chiefly of Lancashire and the North of England) (Manchester, 1872)Google Scholar; Burne, C. S., Shropshire Folk-Lore (London, 1883)Google Scholar; Parkinson, Thomas, Yorkshire Legends and Traditions, 2 vols (London, 1888-9), 1, ch. 8; 2, ch. 4Google Scholar; Vaux, J. E., Church Folklore (London, 1894), ch. 14Google Scholar; M. and Quiller-Couch, L., Ancient and Holy Wells of Cornwall (London, 1894)Google Scholar; Taylor, Henry, The Ancient Crosses and Holy Wells of Lancashire (Manchester, 1906)Google Scholar; Masani, R. P., Folklore of Wells Being a Study of Water-Worship in East and West (Bombay, 1918)Google Scholar; Home, Ethelbert, Somerset Holy Wells and other Named Wells (London, 1923)Google Scholar; Walters, R. C. Steyring, The Ancient Wells, Springs, and Holy Wells of Gloucestershire (Bristol, 1928)Google Scholar; Banks, M. M., ed., British Calendar Customs: Scotland I (London, 1937), pp. 125–70Google Scholar; Binnall, P. B. G., ‘Holy wells in Derbyshire’, Journal of the Derbyshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, ns, 14 (1940), pp. 56–65Google Scholar; McIntire, W. T., ‘The holy wells of Cumberland’, Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, ns, 44 (1945), pp. 1–15Google Scholar. Each volume in the County Folk-Lore series published by the Folk-Lore Society in the early part of this century contains a section on wells. These books are highly derivative and borrow heavily and sometimes uncritically from earlier writers. In the references below I have generally cited the fullest source.

⁵⁰ For example, Naylor, Peter J., Ancient Wells and Springs of Derbyshire (Cromford, 1983)Google Scholar; Valentine, Mark, The Holy Wells of Northamptonshire (Northampton, 1984)Google Scholar; O., P. and Leggat, D. V., The Healing Wells: Cornish Cults and Customs (Redruth, 1987)Google Scholar; Whelan, Edna and Taylor, Ian, Yorkshire Wells and Sacred Springs (Oxford, 1989)Google Scholar; Weaver, Cora and Osborne, Bruce, The Springs, Spouts, Fountains and Wells of the Malverns (Malvern, 1992).Google Scholar

⁵¹ Hope, Legendary Lore, p. 178; Taylor, Holy Welts of Lancashire, pp. 192, 367.

⁵² Hope, Legendary Lore, p. 186; Taylor, Holy Wells of Lancashire, p. 88.

⁵³ Hope, Legendary Lore, pp. 41, 112.

⁵⁴ County Folk-Lare, VII, Fife, ed. J. E. Simpkins (London, 1914), p. 15; Porter, Enid, Cambridgeshire Customs and Folklore (London, 1969), p. 11.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Walters, Ancient Wells…of Gloucestershire, p. 77; Hope, Legendary Lore, pp. 196-7. See also Jones, Holy Wells of Wales, pp. 106-7.

⁵⁶ See ibid., pp. 94-5; Masani, Folklore of Wells, ch. 16.

⁵⁷ Brand, Popular Antiquities, p. 380n.

⁵⁸ Jones, Holy Wells of Wales, p. 95.

⁵⁹ Hope, Legendary Lore, pp. 100, 180, 185; County Folk-Lore, II, The North Riding of Yorkshire, York and the Ainsty, ed. Mrs Gutch (London, 1901), pp. 32-3.

⁶⁰ County Folklore, IV, Northumberland, ed. M. C. Balfour (London, 1904), p. 6; Taylor, Holy Wells of Lancashire, p. 517; North Riding of Yorkshire, York and the Ainsty, ed. Gutch, p. 30; County Folklore, VI, The East Riding of Yorkshire, ed. Mrs Gutch (London, 1912), p. 14.

⁶¹ Northumberland, ed. Balfour, p. 3.

⁶² On pins and fairies, see Smith, Ancient Springs…of the East Riding of Yorkshire, pp. 42-3; Quiller-Couch, Ancient and Holy Wells of Cornwall, p. 179.

⁶³ Taylor, Holy Wells of Lancashire, pp. 171-2.

⁶⁴ Carew, Survey of Cornwall, p. 203; Hardwick, Traditions, Superstitions and Folklore, p. 272.

⁶⁵ Quiller-Couch, Ancient and Holy Wells of Cornwall, p. 215; Taylor, Holy Wells of Lancashire, p. 172. For Roman cursing tablets, see Cunliffe, Barry and Davenport, Peter, The Temple of Suits Minerva at Bath, 2, The Finds from the Sacred Spring, Oxford Committee for Archaeology Monograph, 16 (Oxford, 1988), ch. 4 and plates XXI–XXVIIIb.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Parkinson, Yorkshire Legends and Traditions, 2, pp. 106-8; 1, p. 202 respectively.

⁶⁷ Hope, Legendary Lore, pp. 197-8; The East Riding of Yorkshire, ed. Gutch, p. 11. On the latter, see also the editor’s additions to Camden’s Britannia, ed. Edmund Gibson (London, 1695), p. 747-

⁶⁸ North Riding of Yorkshire, York and the Ainsty, ed. Gutch, p. 26; Northumberland, ed. Balfour, pp. 4-5.

⁶⁹ Binnall, ‘Holy wells in Derbyshire’, pp. 58-9.

⁷⁰ Brand, Popular Antiquities, p. 378.

⁷¹ Quiller-Couch, Ancient and Holy Wells of Cornwall, pp. xv-xvi.

⁷² See Adams, Charles Phythian, Local History and Folklore: a New Framework (London, 1975). pp. 7–11Google Scholar; Bushaway, Bob, By Rite: Custom, Ceremony and Community in England 1700-1850 (London, 1982), ch. 1Google Scholar; Hutton, Ronald, The Stations of the Sun: a History of the Ritual Year in Britain (Oxford, 1996), pp. 419–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁷⁴ Hutton, Ronald, ‘The English Reformation and the evidence of folklore’, P&P, 148 (1995), pp. 89–116.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Jones, Holy Wells in Wales, pp. 88-92, is a useful summary.

⁷⁶ Hope, Legendary Lore, p. 54; Northumberland, ed. Balfour, p. 5.

⁷⁷ See Bord, Sacred Waters, ch. 4.

⁷⁸ Hardwick, Traditions, Superstitions, and Folklore, p. 273.

⁷⁹ Hope, Legendary Lore, pp. 72, 76; Northumberland, ed. Balfour, pp. 1-2.

⁸⁰ Thomas, Keith, Religion and the Decline of Magic (Harmondsworth, 1971), pp. 89, 132 and chs 7–12Google Scholar. The assumptions underlying Thomas’s bipolar model of ‘religion’ and ‘magic’ have, of course, received fierce criticism: see, in particular, Geertz, Hildred, ‘An anthropology of religion and magic’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 6 (1975), pp. 71–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁸² Taylor, Holy Wells of Lancashire, pp. 71-2; Hope, Legendary Lore, p. 53.

⁸³ The North Riding of Yorkshire, York and the Ainsty, ed. Gutch, p. 30.

⁸⁴ See also Brand, Popular Antiquities, pp. 375-6; Hope, Legendary Lore, pp. 40, 42-3, 60-1, 204.

⁸⁵ AnBoll, 6 (1887), pp. 318-19.

⁸⁶ Hutton, ‘The English Reformation and the evidence of folklore’, p. 95.

⁸⁷ Watt, Tessa, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550-1640 (Cambridge, 1991), p. 327.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Morris, Scottish Healing Wells, p. 155.

⁸⁹ See Jones, Holy Wells in Wales, pp. 130-3.

⁹⁰ Hope, Legendary Lore, pp. 156, 164; Trubshaw, Holy Wells and Springs of Leicestershire and Rutland, p. 13. See also Aubrey, Remaines, pp. 244-5.

⁹¹ Baxter, Richard, The Certainty of the Worlds of Spirits (London, 1691), p. 157Google Scholar; Cambridge, Trinity College, MS O. 7. 3, fol. 5 v.

⁹² See Scribner, Robert W., ‘The Reformation, popular magic, and the “disenchantment of the world”’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 23 (1993), esp. pp. 485–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and my Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1999), ch. 4 and passim.

⁹³ As noted by Finucane, Miracles and Pilgrims, p. 215.

⁹⁴ On spas, see Lennard, Reginald, ‘The watering-places’, in idem, ed., Englishmen at Rest and Play (Oxford, 1931)Google Scholar; Mullett, Charles F., Public Baths and Health in England, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Century, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, Supplement 5 (Baltimore, MD, 1946)Google Scholar; Addison, William, English Spas (London, 1951)Google Scholar; Hembrey, Phyllis, The English Spa 1560-1815: a Social History (London, 1990).Google Scholar

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⁹⁶ BL, MS Sloane 640, fol. 341v.

⁹⁷ W., G., Newes out of Cheshire of the New Found Well (London, 1600)Google Scholar; Rattue, Living Stream, p. 111.

⁹⁸ Harrison, Description of England, p. 287; Carew, Survey of Cornwall, p. 198.

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¹⁰⁰ Carew, Survey of Cornwall, p. 198.

¹⁰¹ For example, Jones, , Benefit of the Auncient Bathes of Buckstones ; idem, The Bathes of Bathes Ayde (London, 1572)Google Scholar; Bailey, Walter, A Briefe Discours of Certain Bathes or Medicinall Waters in the Countie of Warwicke neere unto a Village called Newnham Regis (London, 1587)Google Scholar; Venner, Tobias, The Baths of Bathe (London, 1628)Google Scholar; Rowzee, Lodowick, The Queenes Welles… A Treatise of the Nature and Vertues of Tunbridge Water (London, 1632).Google Scholar

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¹⁰³ Ibid., pp. 82-6.

¹⁰⁴ As noted by Fuller, Thomas in The History of the Worthies of England (London, 1662), 3rd pagination, p. 188Google Scholar; and Stanhope, Michael, Cures without Care, or a Summons to…repaire to the Northerne Spaw (London, 1631), p. 29.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁸ Ibid., pp. 72-4.

¹⁰⁹ As summed up by French, The York-shire Spaw, p. 1.

¹¹⁰ Ibid., ch. 17; Wittie, Robert, Scarbrough Spaw (London, 1660), pp. 143–4.Google Scholar

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¹¹³ As noted by Harley, David, ‘Religious and professional interests in northern spa literature, 1625-1775’, Society for the Social History of Medicine, 35 (1984), p. 14.Google ScholarPubMed

¹¹⁴ Stanhope, Newes, pp. 28-9. Catholics did seek to adapt old hagiographical motifs for polemical ends: the well dedicated to St Thomas at Windleshaw allegedly sprang up when a priest saying Mass was decapitated by rabidly Protestant pursuivants: Taylor, Holy Wells of Lancashire, p. 109. Stanhope (pp. 1-2) also believed that it was vital to establish Knaresborough as an alternative to the German Spa because Catholics ‘pretended the use of that water, the better to colour other intentions not very allowable’, i.e., conspiratorial discussion with Jesuits and seminary priests. The State Papers suggest there was more than a grain of truth in this claim: see, e.g., PRO, SP 12/242/3. Hembrey makes this point central to her argument in The English Spa, esp. ch. I.

¹¹⁵ Turner, Booke… of the Bathes in England, sig. A2r.

¹¹⁶ Bailey, Briefe Discours, sigs A2v-3r.

¹¹⁷ Stanhope, Newes, pp. 20-8.

¹¹⁸ See Jones, Whitney R. D., William Turner: Tudor Naturalist, Physician and Divine (London, 1988), esp. pp. 123–9.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Harley, David, ‘Spiritual physic, providence and English medicine, 1560-1640’, in Grell, Ole Peter and Cunningham, Andrew, eds, Medicine and the Reformation (London, 1993), pp. 101–17Google Scholar. See also Kocher, Science and Religion, ch. 13.

¹²⁰ Stanhope, Cures without Care, pp. 7, 10-11.

¹²¹ Ibid., pp. 15-14 [sic, 14-15], 9 [sic, 6], 10. Cf. the cures listed in BL, MS Sloane 640, fols 342r-351r; BL, MS Sloane 79, fols 110r, 111r; PRO, SP 12/131/86, and in AnBoll, 6 (1887), pp. 305-52.

¹²² Stanhope, Newes, p. 20.

¹²³ Banister, Richard, A Treatise of One Hundred and Thirteene Diseases of the Eyes, and Eye-Liddes (London, 1622)Google Scholar, sigs (d)iv, (c)8v. For tensions between religion and medicine in another confessional context, see Gentilcore, David, ‘Contesting illness in early modern Naples: miracolati, physicians and the Congregation of Rites’, P&P, 148 (1995), pp. 117–48.Google Scholar

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¹²⁵ Deane, Spadacrene Anglica, chs 12-15, quotation at p. 131; Stanhope, Newes, sigs B1r-2r, idem, Cures without Care, pp. 22-44; French, The York-shire Spa, chs 10-13.

¹²⁶ Deane, Spadacrene Anglica, pp. 112-13; Venner, The Baths of Bathe, pp. 15, 16; Stanhope, Newes, sig. A4V. See also Harley, David, ‘A sword in a madman’s hand: professional opposition to popular consumption in the waters literature of southern England and the Midlands, 1570-1870’, in Porter, Roy, ed., The Medical History of Waters and Spas, Medical History, supplement 10 (London, 1990), pp. 48–55.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Turner, Booke… of the Bathes of England, fols 14v-15r; Jones, Bathes of Bathes Ayde, fols 27v, 34v-35r; idem, Benefit of the Auncient Bathes of Buckstoncs, fol. 21r-v.

¹²⁸ See Thomas Short’s lament for the recent removal of these things at Buxton; The Natural, Experimental, and Medicinal History of the Mineral Waters of Derbyshire, Lincolnshire, and Yorkshire (London, 1734), pp. 49-50.

¹²⁹ Stanhope, Cures without Care, pp. 29-30; Jones, Bathes of Bathes Ayde, fol. 33r; idem, Benefit of the Auncient Bathes of Buckstones, fol. 20r.

¹³⁰ Short, Natural, Experimental, and Medicinal History, p. 245.

¹³¹ Cf. the conclusions of Schmidt, Leigh Eric, Holy Fairs: Scottish Communions and American Revivals in the Early Modern Period (Princeton, NJ, 1989), p. 21.Google Scholar

¹³² Stanhope, Cures without Care, p. 27; 14 Eliz. c. 5 xxxvi; 39 Eliz. c. 4 vii.

¹³³ As described by a seventeenth-century antiquary: Taylor, Holy Wells of Lancashire, p. 55. Cf. Jones, Holy Wells of Wales, p. 70.

¹³⁴ For examples of conversions, AnBoll, 6 (1887), pp. 317, 321. The Journeys of Celia Fiennes, ed. Christopher Morris (London, 1947), pp. 181, 82.

¹³⁵ See, for example, Acts of the Privy Council of England, 32 vols, ed. J. R. Dasent (London, 1890-1907), 11, pp. 116-17; 13. pp. 396-7; HMC, Fourth Report, pt 1 (London, 1874), p. 333.