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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2016
In the early years of the fifteenth century, the European universities achieved what was probably the height of their influence within the Western Church, an influence accorded final sanction by their independent representation at the two general councils of Pisa (1409) and Constance (1414-18). Both of these assemblies had been summoned in the hope of terminating the Great Schism, the division of the Latin Church which had erupted with the rival elections of Urban VI and Clement VII as popes in 1378. During the course of the subsequent debates seeking a resolution to the dispute, the universities and their members had taken a prime role in formulating theories intended to find a way out of the dilemma of having two popes, each supposedly legitimate. Their scope for concrete, independent action was, however, limited: whatever their aspirations for a role on the wider stage of the medieval Church, the universities had to exist within the narrower confines of individual political entities, for the most part monarchies, whose rulers had their own conceptions of the appropriate place of scholars in the scheme of things.
1 Swanson, R. N., Universities, Academics, and the Great Schism (Cambridge, 1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on the universities’ claims to authority within the Church, Lytle, G. F., ‘Universities as religious authorities in the later Middle Ages and Reformation’, in Lytle, G. F., ed., Reform and Authority in the Medieval ana Reformation Church (Washington, DC, 1981), pp. 69–97.Google Scholar
2 The development of monarchical theory in this period is best surveyed in Krynen, J., Idéal du prince el pouvoir royal en France à la fin du moyen âge(1380 à 1440): étude de lalittérature politique du temps (Paris, 1981)Google Scholar. For the events of the reign see Autrand, F., Charles VI:la folie du roi (Paris, 1986)Google Scholar. For a particularly subtle appreciation of the transformation of attitudes towards ‘Frenchness’ in the later Middle Ages, Beaune, C., Naissance de la nation France (Paris, 1985)Google Scholar. Elements of the transformation in the reign of Charles V are indicated in Gill, R. H., ‘Political theory at the court of Charles V of France, 1364-80’ (London Ph.D. thesis, 1988)Google Scholar: I am grateful to Dr Gill for permission to cite her unpublished work.
3 See, in general, Martin, V., Les Origines du gallicanisme, 2 vols (Paris, 1939)Google Scholar; Krynen, Idéal du prince, pp. 233-9; for the Concordat of Bologna, Knecht, R.J., Francis (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 55–65Google Scholar. The theoretical high point in the development of royalism was perhaps reached in the Tractatus of Jean de Terrevermeille, constructed in 1419. On these, see Barbey, J., La Fonction royale: essence et légitimité, d’après les ‘Tractatus’ de Jean de Terrevermeille (Paris, 1983)Google Scholar. On the political corpus mysticum, ibid., pp. 164—6.
4 For the King’s presence in Toulouse, Devic, C. and Vaissette, J., Histoire générale de Languedoc, 10 vols (Toulouse, 1872-1904), 9, pp. 941–8Google Scholar. For the visit to the south, Autrand, , Charles VI, pp. 241–55.Google Scholar
5 Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fols 166r-9v. This is mistakenly cited by Gadave, R., Les Documents de l’histoire de l’université de Toulouse, et spécialement de la faculté de droit civil et canonique (1229-1789) (Toulouse, 1910), p.98Google Scholar, as being a speech for the ending of the Schism. The other manuscript which he cites, as containing the identical declaration, is Paris, BN, MS lat. 9788. However, of the two works contained in that manuscript, one is merely a copy of the letter issued by die University of Toulouse in 1402 advocating die restoration of obedience to Pope Benedict XIII (for which see Swanson, Universities, Academics, and the Great Schism, pp. 140-1; also below, pp. 291—4). The other is a fragment, opposing the subtraction of obedience from that pope, presumably dating from c. 1398 to 1402.
6 Krynen, Idéal du prince, pp. 309-12. For an analysis of the sources used by Jean de Terrever-meille, Barbey, La Fonction royale, pp. 112-16,144-8,400-13.
7 Smith, C. E., The University of Toulouse in the Middle Ages: its Origins and Growth to 1500 A.D. (Milwaukee, 1958), pp. 57-8,74-5,81,98-108,148-9,157–61Google Scholar;Devic and Vaissette, Histoire de Languedoc, 7, pp. 606-7; A.Gourson, ‘Le Recrutement des juristes dans les universités meridionales à la fin du XIVe siècle: pays de canonistes et pays de civilistes?’ in Ijsewijn, J. and Paquet, L., eds, The Universities in the Late Middle Ages = Medievalia Lovanensia, ser. 1, studia 6 (Louvain, 1978), pp. 532–3, 530–47Google Scholar; Verger, J., ‘Le Recrutement géographique dans les universités françaises au début du XVe siècle d’après les Suppliques de 1403’, MAH, 82 (1970), pp. 874–6,883–5, 890,894, 898–9Google Scholar. The north-south divide may be reflected by the survival of du Bosquet’s speech in a Latin translation, rather than the Occitan in which it was delivered. For the linguistic split, Beaune, Naissance, p. 296.
8 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 167V. A reference to financial support offered by Louis IX—which it is alleged soon dried up—seems to be based on incorrect information. It may be a reference to the clause of the Treaty of Paris of 1229 which established the financial arrangements for payment of the masters, by Count Raymond of Toulouse rather than the Crown, and which was stipulated to last for only ten years anyway. The first explicitly royal privileges for the University date only from 1324: Smidi, University of Toulouse, pp. 32,60-4,79.
9 I Tim. 1.17.
10 Digest, 2.4.10.4: Corpus iuris civilis, ed. Kreuger, P., 3 vols (Berlin, 1928), i, p. 48.Google Scholar [I am grateful to Mr D. E. C. Yale for assistance in dealing with the Roman law citations in this tract.]
11 Renna, T., ‘Aristotle and the French monarchy, 1260-1303’, Viator, 9 (1978), pp. 309–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
12 In current editions, this seems to refer to Ethics, v, 6: see, e.g., Aristotle, The Nichomachean Ethics, ed. and Ross, tr. D. (Oxford, 1980), p. 123.Google Scholar
13 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 166v.
14 Ibid., fol. 169r. The Trinitarian image of the fleur-de-lys as another sign of heavenly succour cannot be overlooked in this citation: cf. Krynen, Idéal du prince, pp. 223—5; see also Lecoq, A. M., ‘La Symbolique de l’état: les images de la monarchie des premiers Valois à Louis XIV’, in Nora, P., ed., Les Lieux de mémoire:II, La nation, 3 vols (Paris, 1986), 2, pp. 159–60Google Scholar; Beaune, Naissance, pp. 237-63. The explicitly dynastie associations of the emblem, suggesting some form of princely participation in royal authority, are evident in Bedos-Rezak, B., ‘Idéologie royale, ambitions principares, et rivalités politiques d’après le témoignage des sceaux (France, 1380-1461)’, in La “France Anglaise” au moyen âge: colloque des historiens médiévistes français et britanniques. Actes du 111’ congrès national des sociétés savants (Poitiers 1986), section d’histoire médi évale et de philologie, 1 (Paris, 1988), pp. 483–511Google Scholar. On the status of the princes of the blood, Beaune, Naissance, pp. 220-1.
15 Most of these are concentrated in the discussion of justice and royal power at Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fols 168r-v.
16 Cited at ibid., fol. 166v;cf. Corpus iuris civilis, ed. Kreuger, 2, p. 511. For opposition to Roman law among contemporary French political theorists, Gill, ‘Political theory’, p. 216.
17 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham.527, fol. 167r, citing Hosriensis, , Summa aurea, 1, ch. Desacra urtatone: see Henna a Segusio cardinalis Hostiensis Aurea summa … (Venice, 1605), cols 209–15.Google Scholar
18 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 168r, citing Poliaaticus, iv, 1: see Ioannis Saresberiensis episcopi Carotensis Poiicratici sive de nugis curialium et vestigiisphilosophorum libri VIII, ed. Webb, C. C. J., 2 vols (Oxford, 1909), 1, pp. 235–6Google Scholar.
19 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 166v, citing i, pars 1, 6: Egidius Colonna, de, De regimine principum (Venice, 1502)Google Scholar, sig. aiiiv.
20 De civitate Dei, v, 23, excerpted at Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fols 166r-v and De cimiate Dei, iv, 4, referred to at fol. 168r: Sanai Aurelii Augustini, de civilate dei, libri I-IX, CChrSL, 47(1955), pp. 160,101.
21 Orosius, Hisloriarum, ii, 1, cited at Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 168v: Pauli Orosii Historiarum adversum paganos, libri VII, ed. Zangemeister, C. (Leipzig, 1889), p. 35.Google Scholar
22 Moralia, cited at Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 168r: S. Gregorii Magni, Moralia in lob, Libri I-IX, ed. Adriaen, M., CChrSL, 93 (1979), pp. 475–6.Google Scholar
23 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 166v. The citation lacks a precise reference, but is probably to be found in his Variarum libri XII, most recendy edited by Fish, A. J., in Magni Aurelii Cassiodori senatoris opera, pars 1, CChrSL, 96 (1973), pp. 1–499Google Scholar, but I must admit to having baulked at a prolonged search for the few words concerned.
24 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 166v: see below, n. 26. Although many of the historical references are to events mentioned by Vincent, he is not die direct source of die material.
25 On the former, Goez, W., Translalio imperii: Ein Beilragzur Ceschichte des Geschiclitsdenkungs und der politischen Theorien in Miltelalter und infrühen Neuzeit(Tübingen, 1958)Google Scholar, dealing with die twelfth to fourteenth centuries at pp. 137-237, but not surprisingly concentrating on German discussions. For French aspirations with regard to the Empire in these centuries, Zeller, G., ‘Les Rois de France candidats à l’empire: essai sur l’idéologie impériale en France’, R.W., 173 (1934), pp. 277–311Google Scholar, 530-3 (although there was a line of thought which denied the need for any translalio to the French, because of the monarchy’s imperial character: Gill, ‘Political theory’, pp. 106-12). On translalio studii, Goez, Translalio imperii, pp. 122-3; Jongkees, A. G., ‘Translado studii: les avatars d’un thème médiéval’, in Miscellanea mediaevalia in memoriam Jan Frederik Niermeyer (Groningen, 1967), pp. 41—51.Google Scholar
26 For a translation of the relevant section (from the Greek), [St John Damascene]: Barlaam and Ioasoph, ed. Woodward, G. R. and Mattingly, H. (London and Cambridge, Mass., 1967), pp. 547–59Google Scholar. On the work and its circulation, see Barlam and Iosaphal, a Middle English Life of Buddha, Edited from MS Peterhouse 257, ed. Hirsh, J. C., EETS, original series, 290 (Oxford, 1986), pp. xiii—xxviiiGoogle Scholar. Du Bosquet cites the text as transmitted from Damascene via Vincent of Beauvais in his Speculum historiale: see Bibliotheca mundi, seu speculi maioris Vincenlii Burgundi praesulis Bettovacensis, 4 vols (Douai, 1624), 4, pp. 578-604 (with specific mention by du Bosquet of die section at pp. 600—1).
27 Strayer, J. R., ‘France, the Holy Land, the chosen people, and the most Christian king’, originally published in Rabb, T. K. and Seigel, J. E., eds, Action and Conviction in Early Modem Europe (Princeton, NJ, 1969), pp. 3–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar, reprinted in Strayer, J. R., Medieval Statecraft and the Perspectives of History (Princeton, NJ, 1971), pp. 300–15Google Scholar; see also Lewis, P. S., Later Medieval France: the Polity (London, 1968), pp. 81–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wilks, Michael, The Problem of Sovereignty in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1963), pp. 426–31Google Scholar; Beaune, Naissance, pp. 208-11, 214-16; Gill, ‘Political theory’, pp. 56—81. Du Bosquet does not go so far as to identify Charles VI as a Christ-figure, but other writers were not so reluctant to see Christ in their king (Barbey, La Fonction royale, p. 122), and, indeed, the political theorizing associated with Charles V seems particularly to have emphasized such an identification, at least at the latent level: Gill, ‘Political theory’, chs 4—5. For the use of parallels with David by other writers, even the creation of genealogical links, Beaune, Naissance, pp. 35-6,215.
28 On the tradition of reditus regni see Lewis, A. N., Royal Succession in Capetian France: Studia on Familial Order ana the State (Cambridge, Mass. and London, 1981), pp. 114–15, 118-21, 145–7Google Scholar; Krynen, Idéal du prince, pp. 252—8. See also Spiegel, G. M., ‘The Reditus regni adstirpem Karoli Magni: a new look’, French Historical Studies, 7 (1971-2), pp. 143–74.Google Scholar
29 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 167r.Cf.Krynen, Idéal du prince, pp. 245-52. For the continued invocation of the Trojan legends in late medieval France, Bossuat, A., ‘Les Ori gines troyennes: leur rôle dans la littérature historique au XVe siècle’, Annales de Normandie, 8 (1958), pp. 187–97Google Scholar. For more general discussion, Beaune, Naissance, pp. 19-30,36-54.
30 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 167V. Clearly here claims were being made for the French kings as a beata stirps, in a sense even more potent than that discussed for thirteenth-century Hungarian monarchs in Vauchez, A., ‘“Beata stirps”: sainteté et lignage en occident aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles’, in Duby, G. and Goff, J. Le, eds. Famille et parenté dans l’occi dent médiéval: actes du colloque de Paris (6-8 juin, 1974) organisé par l’École practique des hautes études (VIc section) en collaboration avec le Collège de France et l’École française de Rome = Collection de l’écolefrançaise deRome, 30 (Rome, 1977), pp. 397–404Google Scholar. See also Beaune, Naissance, pp. 223-5.
31 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham 527, fol. 167V: cf. Vincent of Beauvais in Bibliotheca mundi, 4, p. 822.
32 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 167V; cf. Beaune, Naissance, pp. 213-14.
33 Krynen, Idéal du prince, pp. 90-2, 214-20; Beaune, C., ‘Saint Clovis: histoire, religion royale, et sentiment national en France à la fin du moyen âge’, in Guenée, B., ed., Le metier d’historien au moyen âge: études sur l’historiographie médiévale (Paris, 1977), pp. 139–56Google Scholar, esp. pp. 147-8,150-3; Folz, R., ‘Aspects du culte liturgique de Saint Charlemagne en France’, in Braunfels, W. and Schramm, P. E., eds, Karl der Grosse: Lebenswerk und Nachleben, iv: Dos Nachleben (Dusseldorf, 1967). PP. 78–80Google Scholar; Beaune, Naissance, pp. 55-74, 126-7; Gill, ‘Political theory’, pp. 96-102, 107-16,128-9.
34 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 167r, drawing on Hostiensis for support: Henrici a Sequsio… Aurea summa, cols 209-15. In fact, Hostiensis also notes that the king of England is anointed on the head (col. 213), and makes no mention of the holy oil of France. More significant would seem to be the implications of anointing on the head: earlier (col. 210) he had pointed out that this was a papal prerogative because the pope represented Christ; anointing with oil rather than chrism stressed the difference between papal and royal authority. On the Sainte Ampoulle, Krynen, Idéal du prince, pp. 220-3. it has to be emphasized that the stress was on the sacrality conferred by the anointing, and not the constitutive effect of a coronation mediated by ecclesiastical authority: the king therefore retained his independence of ecclesiastical (especially papal) claims to oversight, and his imperial authority over the national Church: ibid., pp. 229, 236-9. On unction see also Gill, ‘Political theory’, pp. 93-103,107-8,130-1.
35 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 167r, citing the prophecy of St Hilary: cf. Vincent of Beauvais in Bibliotheca mundi, 4, p. 1276; see also Spiegel, ‘The Reditus regni’, pp. 147,149-50.
36 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 167r; see also Gill, ‘Political theory’, pp. 191-2. This, again, brings in ideas of the translatio imperii, linked with the prophecies in Dan. 2. 31-45: cf. Goez, Translatio imperii, pp. 366-70: for interpretations of the prophecies by earlier fourteenth-century political writers, see Piaia, G., ‘Interpretazione allegorica ed uso idio-logico della prima profezia di Daniele agli inizi del Trecento’, in Zimmermann, A., ed.. Soziale Ordnungen in Selbsverständnis des Mittelalters = Miscellanea Mediaevalia, 12, 2 vols (Berlin and New York, 1980), 2, pp. 351–68.Google Scholar
37 Gill, ‘Political theory’, pp. 164-204,272-3.
38 Compare the statements made by Guillaume de Sauqueville during the reign of Philip IV, cited by Strayer, Medieval Statecraft, p. 307.
39 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fols 168r-v.See n. 46 below.
40 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 168v: see n. 20.
41 Ibid., fol. 168v: see n. 22.
42 Ibid., fol. 168v. For the notional relationship between justice and kingship in late fourteenth-century France, Krynen, Idéal du prince, pp. 184-99. The relationship of king-constable-chancellor recalls the tripartite analysis of the fleur-de-lys as faith-chivalry/nobility-wisdom/clergy, or peace—justice—integrity: Beaune, Naissance, p. 256.
43 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 168v, citing Codex, 1.19.7: Corpus iuris civilis, ed. Kreuger, I, p. 75. Perhaps surprisingly, du Bosquet appears not to invoke Ulpian’s celebrated dictum establishing the comprehensive character of public law, extending even into the ecclesiastical sphere, contained in Digest, 1.1.1.2: Corpus iuris civilis, ed. Kreuger, 2, p. 29.
44 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 168v; see also Wilks, Problem of Sovereignly, pp. 212-14,217-19.
45 Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, MS Ham. 527, fol. 168v.
46 For a broad survey of the development of the absoluta/ordinata distinction, Courtenay, W. J., Covenant and Causality in Medieval Thought: Studies in Philosophy, Theology, and Economic Practice (London, 1984)Google Scholar, ch. 4: ‘The dialectic of divine omnipotence’ (with the political aspects considered at pp. 10-13, 17). See also Wilks, Problem of Sovereignty, for the ascription of absolute and ordained powers to the pope (pp. 306-7, 349) and emperor (pp. 440-1). For Ockham’s distinctions, Leff, G., William of Ockham: the Metamorphosis of Scholastic Discourse (Manchester, 1975), pp. 15–17Google Scholar, but he did not use them politically: McGrade, A. S., The Political Thought of William of Ockham (Cambridge, 1974), pp. 198–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the Scotist tradition, Randi, E., ‘La vergine e il papa: potentia dei absoluta e plenitudo potestas papale nel XIV secolo’, HPT, 5 (1984), pp. 425–45Google Scholar, esp. pp. 443-4; Randi, E., ‘A Scotist way of distinguishing between God’s absolute and ordained powers’, in Hudson, Anne and Wilks, Michael, eds, From Ockham to Wyclif = SCH.S, 5 (Oxford, 1987), pp. 43–50Google Scholar; see also comments of Oberman, H. A., ‘Via antiqua and via moderna: late medieval prolegomena to early Reformation thought’, ibid., pp. 451–2.Google Scholar
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51 Ibid., indicates some of these developments. See also Barbey, La Fonction royale (although Terrevermeille’s work appears, admittedly, to have had almost no immediate impact).
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55 Du Boulay, Historia, 5, p. 12.
56 Ibid., p. 18.
57 Ibid., p. 4.
58 Ibid., pp. 10,12.
59 BL, MS Add. 10020, fol. 74r.
60 Du Boulay, Historia, 5, p. 12.
61 Ibid., p. 18.
62 BL, MS Add. 10020, fol. 74r.
63 Du Boulay, Historia, 5, p. 9.
64 Ibid., p. 12.
65 Ibid., pp. 21-2, see also pp. 9,10-11.
66 Ibid., p. 19.
67 A view apparently endorsed by those in charge of the search for a means to end the Schism by avoiding a decision which would involve condemnation: H. Kaminsky, ‘Cession, subtraction, deposition: Simon de Cramaud’s formulation of the French solution to the schism’, SGra, 15 (1972), p. 297.
68 Du Boulay, Historia, 5, p. 21. Cf. Swanson, Universities, Academics, and lite Creai Schism, p. 121.
69 Du Boulay, Historia, 5, p. 21.
70 Swanson, Universities, Academics, and the Great Schism, pp. 141-4.
71 Kaminsky, ‘Cession, subtraction, deposition’, p. 315.
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