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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2016
Martin Luther, conducted no doubt by a higher providence, but in discourse of reason, finding what a province he had undertaken against the bishop of Rome, and the degenerate traditions of the church, and finding his own solitude, being no ways aided by the opinions of his own time, was enforced to awake all antiquity, and to call former times to his succour, to make a party against the present time. So that the ancient authors, both in divinity, and in humanity, which had long time slept in libraries, began generally to be read and revolved. This by consequence did draw on a necessity of a more exquisite travel in the languages original, wherein those authors did write, for the better understanding of those authors, and the better advantage of pressing and applying their words. And thereof grew again a delight in their manner of style and phrase, and an admiration of that kind of writing….
Francis Bacon, Of the Advancement of Learning (1605) in Works (London, 1778).
1 Humanitas, defined as a combination of moral generosity and scholarly learning, was a well-known ideal to the Renaissance, even if the term ‘humanism’ to describe a movement in ideas only dates from 1808. The locusclassicus for humanitas was ‘Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae’, bk 13, ch. 16 (usually cited as 13: 15); see; for example, Estienne, R., Dictionarium, seu latinae Linguae Thesaurus (Lyons, 1543)Google Scholar, s.v. ‘humanus’.
2 The formulation comes from Abraham Scultetus, Annalium Evangelii passim per Europam … renovati decades duae, 2 vols (Heidelberg, 1618–20).
3 E.g., Trinkaus, C., The Scope of Renaissance Humanism (Michigan, 1983), esp. pp. 237–62Google Scholar: ‘The religious thought of the Italian humanists: anticipation of the Reformers or autonomy’, and pp. 263–73: ‘The problem of free will in the Renaissance and the Reformation’.
4 On the theological level, see, e.g., McGrath, A. E., ‘Humanist elements in the early reformed doctrine of justification’, ARG, 73 (1982), pp. 5–20; Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation (Oxford, 1987), pp. 32—68; Reformation Thought: An Introduction (Oxford, 1988), pp. 27–49Google Scholar; for the level of personal influences, see Dickens, A. G., ‘Luther and the Humanists’ in Mack, P. and Jacob, M. C., eds, Politics and Culture in Early Modem Europe; Essays in Honor of H. G. Koenigsberger (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 199–213CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Junghans, H., Derjunge Luther und die Human-isten (Gottingen, 1985Google Scholar).
5 Moeller, B., Imperial Cities and the Reformation: Three Essays, ed. and tr. Midelfort, H. C. E. and Edwards, M. U. (Philadelphia, 1972), pp. 19–38Google Scholar.
6 For examples of this sort of biography see Kittelson, J. M., Wolfgang Capita: From Humanist to Reformer (Leiden, 1975CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Maurer, W., Derjunge Melanchthon zwischen Humanismus und Reformation, 2 vols (Gottingen, 1967-9Google Scholar); Bonorand, C., Vadians Weg mm Humanismus zur Reformation (St Gallen, 1962Google Scholar); Simon, G., Humanismus und Konfession: T. Billican, Leben und Werk (Berlin, 1980CrossRefGoogle Scholar).
7 On the Erasmus debate, see most recently Marjorie Boyle, O’Rourke, Rhetoric and Reform: Erasmus’ Civil Dispute with Luther (Cambridge, Mass., 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Erasmus and the “Modern” Question: Was he semi-Pelagian?’ ARC, 75 (1984), pp. 59–72; on the German humanists, Spitz, L.W., The Religious Renaissance of the German Humanists (Cambridge, Mass., 1963)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
8 Particularly sharp forms of this distinction are found in Leonard, Emile G., Histoiregenerate du Protestantisme, 1 (Paris, 1961)Google Scholar, ch. 4, pp. n8ff; McGrath, Reformation Thought, pp. 41–5; for humanist influences as underlying some of Melanchthon’s problems after Luther’s death, see, for instance, Manschreck, C. L., ed., Melanchthon on Christian Doctrine: Loci Communes 1555 (New York, 1965), pp. xix—xxiiiGoogle Scholar.
9 A number of figures in the early Reformation period wander somewhat confusingly along the border between humanism and reform: see, for instance, Johannes Sylvius Egranus of Zwickau, as in Kirchner, H., Johannes Sylvius Egranus (Berlin, 1961)Google Scholar, and Karant-Nunn, Susan C., Zwickau in Transition, 1500–1147: The Reformation as an Agent of Change (Columbus, Ohio, 1987), pp. 100Google Scholarff. Those who, in Germany or Switzerland, were humanists first, and involved with the ‘Protestant’ reform either as agents or opponents soon after, are too numerous and notorious to list.
10 Bouwsma, W. J., ‘The two faces of humanism: Stoicism and Augustinianism in Renaissance thought’ in Oberman, H. A. and Brady, T. A, eds, Itinerarium Italicum (Leiden, 1978), pp. 3–60Google Scholar.
11 Compare, e.g., the figures discussed in Kristeller, P. O., Eight Philosophers of the Italian Renais sance (Stanford, 1965)Google Scholar, and in Randall, J. H. Jr., ‘Paduan Aristotelianism reconsidered’, in Mahoney, E. P., ed., Philosophy and Humanism: Renaissance Essays in honor of Paul Oskar Kristeller (New York, 1976), pp. 275–82Google Scholar. Trinkaus, C., ‘Renaissance Humanism, Its Formation and Develop ment’, in his The Scope of Renaissance Humanism, pp. 6–9Google Scholar, seems to deny the Paduan Aristotel ians a place among the humanists. This is no doubt arguable in the case of ‘scholastic’ philosophers like Achillini, Vernia, or Pomponazzi, but much harder to sustain for their sixteenth-century followers like Francesco Vimercato, and impossible, say, for Jacques Lefevre d’Etaples.
12 See, for instance, the discussions of Machiavelli and the humanist traditions in Skinner, Quentin, The Foundations of Modem Political Thought, 2 vols (Cambridge, 1978), I, pp. 128ff, 180ff., and Machiavelli (Oxford, 1981)Google Scholar, passim.
13 Compare, for instance, the respective attitudes of Erasmus and Josse Clichtove to the reform of monasricism. See Massaut, J. P., Josse Clichtove et la réforme du clergé, 2 vols (Paris, 1968), 1, pp. 433–45Google Scholar.
14 See, for instance, Tracy, James D., ‘Humanism and the Reformation’ in Ozment, S. E., ed., Reformation Europe: A Cuide to Research (St Louis, 1982), p. 46Google Scholar.
15 For late conciliarism, see Skinner, Foundations, 2, pp. 114–23; Thomson, J. A F., Popes and Princes 1417–1517:Politics and Polityin the Late Medieval Church (London, 1980), pp. 17—28Google Scholar;and above all the detailed articles by Francis Oakley listed in Ozment, ed., Reformation Europe, pp. 27–8.
16 See Evans, G.R., The Language and Logic of the Bible: The Road to Reformation (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 69—81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Holeczek, H., Humanistische Bibelphilologie als Reformproblem bei Erasmus von Rotterdam, Thomas More und William Tyndale (Leiden, 1975CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Bentley, J.H., ‘Erasmus’ Annotationes in Novum Testamentum and the Textual Criticism of the gospels’, ARC, 67 (1976), pp. 33—53Google Scholar; Bedouelle, G., Lefivre d’Etaples el I’intelligence des écritures (Geneva, 1976)Google Scholar.
17 See especially Erasmus’s Letter to Martin Dorp in Erasmi Epistolae, ed. P. S. and H. M. Allen (Oxford, 1906–58), 2, pp. ooff.; for concepts of’tradition’ see the influential formulation of Oberman, H. A. in Forerunners of the Reformation, 2nd edn (Philadelphia, 1981), pp. 51—120Google Scholar.
18 Evans, Language and Logic, p. 81; for vernacular versions of the Bible before 1520, see Delumeau, J., Naissance et affirmation de la reforme (Paris, 1973), pp. 71–2Google Scholar; Erasmus’s thoughts on translating the Bible are cited and discussed by Dickens, A G., ‘Luther and the humanists’ in Mack and Jacob, eds, Politics and Culture, pp. 203Google Scholarff.
19 See works of Erasmus: De rationestudii; De pueris statim ac liberaliter instituendis; on educational reform see Overfield, J. H., Humanism and Scholasticism in Late Medieval Germany (Princeton, 1984)Google Scholar; for rhetorical elements in Renaissance educational reform note the work of Andre de Gouvea at the College de Guyenne in Bordeaux, as in Brian Vickers, In Defence of Rhetoric (Oxford, 1988), pp. 256ff., and ‘Rhetorical and anti-rhetorical tropes: on writing the history of elocutio’ in Comparative Criticism: A Year Book, 3 (1981), pp. 120ff.
20 For Renaissance rhetorical theory see the essays in Murphy, James J, ed., Renaissance Eloquence: Studies in the Theory and Practice of Renaissance Rhetoric (Berkeley, 1983)Google Scholar; Vickers, Brian, In Defence of Rhetoric (Oxford, 1988), pp. 254–93;Google Scholar for ‘ornamentation’ see the list of additional compilers of ‘adages’ included in Erasmus, Adagia (Frankfurt, 1599, 1613, and numerous subsequent editions); Phillips, M. M., The Adages of Erasmus: A Study with Translations (Cambridge, 1964).Google Scholar
21 Dialectic was omitted in a list of subjects proposed for a new college in the University of St Andrews by Hay, Archibald, Ad Reverendissimum … D. Iacohum Betoun …pro collegiierectione …oratio (Paris, 1538),Google Scholar sig. D3v-D4r, and also omitted in the list of subjects proposed when the same college was refounded in 1553: Evidence, Oral and Documentary …for visiting the Universities of Scotland, 3: St Andrews (London, 1837), p. 362; see my ‘Archibald Hay’s “Elegantiae”’ in Actesdu III’ congris d’etudes neo-latines, Tours 1976 (Paris, 1980), pp. 282, 286, 294–5.
22 Tracy, , ‘Humanism and the Reformation’, p. 44Google Scholar; Ong, W., Ramus, Method, and the Decay of Dialogue (Cambridge, Mass., 1958)Google Scholar; Howell, W. S., Logic and Rhetoric in England 1500–1700 (Princeton, 1956), pp. 146ff.Google Scholar; Gilbert, N., Renaissance Concepts of Method (New York, 1970)Google Scholar.
23 For the Italians see Cochrane, Eric, Historians and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago, 1981CrossRefGoogle Scholar); also Hay, D., Polydore Vergil: Renaissance Historian and Man of Letters (Oxford, 1952Google Scholar); Joachimsen, P., Ceschichtsauffassung und Geschichtsschreibung in Deutschland unter dem Einfluss des Humanismus (Leipzig, 1910)Google Scholar and ‘Humanism and the development of the German mind’ in Strauss, G., ed., Pre-Reformation Germany (London, 1972), pp. 162–224CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dickens, , German Nation, pp. 21ff., 35ff.Google Scholar
24 For the content of this popular religiosity see Thomas, K., Religion and the Decline of Magic (London, 1971), pp. 27—57Google Scholar; Monter, E. W., Ritual, Myth and Magic in early Modern Europe (Brighton, 1983), pp. 6–22Google Scholar; Dickens, ‘Luther and the Humanists’, p. 205 and n. 8; contemporary evidence for popular practices, and the fifteenth-century Church’s response to them, is found in the late medieval treatises on ‘superstitions’: see n. 75 below.
25 For the excesses of this piety see Toussaert, J., Le Sentiment religieux en Flandre a la fin du moyen age (Paris, 1963)Google Scholar; or more recently Audisio, G., Les Vaudois du Luberon: une minoriteen Provence (1460-1560) (Merindol, 1984), pp. 208–16Google Scholar, where ‘Waldensian heresy’ consisted in not accumulating Masses for the dead in the enormous numbers sought by even quite poor orthodox Catholic believers. Obviously Erasmus cannot be regarded as paradigmatic of the ‘humanist’ critique as a whole; he can be regarded as influential, if the cumulative effects of the Enchiridion after its third edition, the Praise of Folly, and some of the Colloquies are borne in mind. See also, for instance, Sebastian Brant’s Narrenschiff; and the simplifications of reli gious worship in the Meaux circle, recently discussed by Eire, C. M. N., War against the Idols: The Reformation of Worship from Erasmus to Calvin (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 168–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
26 See Gutton, J.-P., La societe et les pauvres en Europe (xvi’-xviii’ siecles) (Paris, 1974), pp. 97ff.Google Scholar; Pullan, B., Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice (Oxford, 1971)Google Scholar; Bonenfant, P., ‘Les Origines et le caractere de la reforme de la bienfaisance publique aux Pays-Bas sous le regne de Charles Quint’, Revue Beige de Philologie et d’Histoire, 5 (1926), pp. 887–904, and 6 (1927), pp. 207–30Google Scholar.
27 This antithesis is, of course, a deliberate caricature; the Nicomachean Ethics justified die lay, active life, as did medieval authors like Guillaume de St-Amour of Jehan de Meung. However, thinkers like L.-B. Alberti may have made the active ideal more widespread, pervasive, and ‘official’, even if they did not invent it. See Gutton, , Societe et les pauvres, pp. 101–2Google Scholar; Skinner, , Foundations, 1, pp. 98–9Google Scholar.
28 Gutton, , Societe et les pauvres, pp. 104f.Google Scholar
29 Delumeau, , Naissance et affirmation, p. 74Google Scholar. Delumeau’s assumption that humanists in general believed in human free will is contested, at least for Valla and Pomponazzi, by Trinkaus, , Scope of Renaissance Humanism, pp. 268–71Google Scholar.
30 Erasmus to Martin Dorp, Erasmi Epistolae, 2, pp. 109ff.; Erasmus, , Praise of Folly and Letter to Martin Dorp Radice, tr. B. (Harmondsworth, 1971), pp. 244ffGoogle Scholar.
31 For the issue of ‘tradition’ in interpreting the scriptures see Oberman, H. A, The Harvest of Medieval Theology: Gabriel Biel and Late Medieval Nominalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), pp. 361–422Google Scholar, and Forerunners, as above n. 17; Oakley, F., The Western Church in the Later Middle Ages (London, 1979), pp. 148ff.Google Scholar; McGrath, , Intellectual Origins, pp. 149ff.Google Scholar.
32 See Althaus, P., The Theology of Martin Luther (Philadelphia, 1966), p. 75Google Scholar; Bromiley, G. W., ed., Zwingli and Bullinger, Library of Christian Classics, 24 (London, 1953), pp. 83—90Google Scholar; Wright, D. F., ed.. Common Places of Martin Bucer (Abingdon, 1972), pp. 184ff, 215ff.Google Scholar; Calvin, , Institutes (London, 1961), 1, vii, 3Google Scholar.
33 Althaus, , Theology of Martin Luther, p. 323 and refsGoogle Scholar.
34 Oberman, , Forerunners, pp. 279—307Google Scholar; Ozment, S. E., The Age of Refor (New Haven, 1980), pp. 62–73Google Scholar; Bedouelle, S. E., Lefevre d’£tapleset I’intelligenedesecritures.Google Scholar
35 Cf. Institutes, II, xi, 1–6.
36 For Zwingli’s use of allegorical exegesis see Stephens, W. P., The Theology of Huldrych Zwingli (Oxford, 1986), pp. 78–9Google Scholar; McGrath, , Intellectual Origins, pp. 169–70Google Scholar.
37 For Erasmus on translation see the Paraclesis of 1516, as cited by Dickens, ‘Luther and the Humanists’, pp. 203–4; on Lefevre, Bedouelle, Lefevre d’£taptes, and Petavel-Olliff, C., La Bible en France, ou les traductions françaises des Saintes Escritures (Paris, 1864)Google Scholar.
38 See my The Reformation of the Heretics: The Waldenses of the Alps 1480–1580 (Oxford, 1984), pp. 208–9; Petavel-Olliff, , La Bible en France, pp. 89–117Google Scholar; Jalla, J., ‘La Bible d’Olivetan’, Bulletin de la Societe dtiistoire vaudoise, 58 (1932), 76–92Google Scholar, and more recently, e.g., Roussel, B., ‘La “Bible d’Olivetan”: La traduction du livre du prophète Habaquq’, in Etudes théologiaues et religieuses 4 (1982), pp. 537–547Google Scholar.
39 See Armstrong, E., Robert Estienne, Royal Printer: An Historical Study of the Older Stephanas (Cambridge, 1954), pp. 228–39Google Scholar.
40 For this quotation see Luther and Erasmus: Free Will and Salvation, ed. Rupp, E. G. and Watson, P. S.: Library of Christian Classics, 17 (London, 1969), pp. 37–42Google Scholar.
41 See, for instance, Heinrich Bullinger in 1549: ‘the minister of the church doth expound the scriptures to the congregation … we therefore, the interpreters of God’s holy word, and faithful ministers of the church of Christ, must… teach the people of Christ the word of God’: The Decades of Henry Bullinger, ed. Harding, T., 4 vols, PS (1840-52), 1, pp. 70–5Google Scholar.
42 See Strauss, G., ‘Lutheranism and Literacy: A Reassessment’, in Greyerz, K. von, ed., Religion and Society in Early Modern Europe 1500–1800 (London, 1984), pp. 100–23Google Scholar; Gawthrop, R. and Strauss, G., ‘Protestantism and Literacy in Early Modern Germany’, PaP, 104 (1984), pp. 31–55Google Scholar.
43 Vogler, B., Le Clergéprotectant rhénan au siècle de la réforme (1556-1619) (Paris, 1976), pp. 54–6Google Scholar; Meylan, H., D’£rasme à Théodorede Béze (Geneva, 1976), p. 238Google Scholar.
44 See, for example, Institutes, II, ii, 12–24.
45 For the rationale behind educating sinful men see Strauss, G., Luther’s House of Learning: In doctrination of the Young in the German Reformation (Baltimore, 1978), pp. 173ff., 236ffGoogle Scholar.
46 Strauss, Luther’s House, pp. 4–24 and ‘Lutheranism and Literacy’, p. 121, n. 32; Cameron, cf. J. K., The First Book of Discipline (Edinburgh, 1972), pp. 54ff., 129ff. and nnGoogle Scholar.
47 On Sturm and Strasburg see Schindling, A., Humanistische Hochschule und freie Reichssadt: Gymnasium und Akademie in Strasbourg 1538–1621 (Wiesbaden, 1977Google Scholar); Junod, L and Meylan, H., L’Académie de Lausanne au xvi’ siècle (Lausanne, 1947), pp. 11—17Google Scholar; the influence of the humanist colleges is traced in Cameron, First Book of Discipline, p. 131, n. 13.
48 On these last see Menk, G., Die hohe Schule Herbom in ihrer Frühzeit (1584–1600):ein Beitrag zum Hochschulwesen des deutschen Kalvinismus im Zeitalter der Reformation (Wiesbaden, 1981)Google Scholar; Press, V., Calvinismus und Territorialstaat: Regierung und Zentralbehörden der Kurpfalz 1559–1619 (Stuttgart, 1970), pp. 320–1Google Scholar.
49 Schanze, H., ‘Problems and Trends in the History of German Rhetoric to 1500’ in Murphy, ed., Renaissance Eloquence, pp. 119–20Google Scholar, based esp. on Stolt, B., Studien zu Luthers Freiheitstraktat (Stockholm, 1969)Google Scholar, and Dockhorn, K., ‘Rhetorica Mover. Protestantischer Humanismus und karolingische Renaissance’ in Schanze, H., ed., Rhetorik Beitra’ge zu ihrer Ceschichte (Frankfurt, 1974). pp. 17–42Google Scholar.
50 The works were De Rhetorica libri III (1519), Institutions Rhetoricae (1521), and Elementorum Rhetorices libri II (1531): see Schanze, , ‘Trends’, p. 120, n. 27; Vickers, In Defence of Rhetoric, pp. 281–2Google Scholar.
51 Vickers, B., ‘Rhetorical and anti-rhetorical tropes’, Comparative Criticism: A Year Book, ed. Shaffer, E. S. (Cambridge, 1981), 3, pp. 120ff.; In Defence of Rhetoric, pp. 255ff.;Google Scholar cf. also Brockliss, L. W. B., French Education in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Oxford, 1987)Google Scholar; McFarlane, I. D., George Buchanan (1506-1582) (London, 1980), pp. 78–83Google Scholar.
52 See Moeller, B., ‘Was wurde in der Friihzeit der Reformation in den deutschen stadten gepredigt?’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 75 (1984), pp. 176–93Google Scholar; Scribner, R. W., For the Sake of Simple Folk Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 244–5Google Scholar.
53 See, for instance, Luther’s prefaces to his 1529 Larger Catechism.
54 Vickers, , In Defence of Rhetoric, pp. 290Google Scholarff.
55 O’Malley, John W., ‘Content and rhetorical forms in sixteenth-century treatises on preaching’ in Murphy, ed., Renaissance Eloquence, pp. 241–6Google Scholar.
56 O’Malley, , ‘Content and rhetorical forms’, pp. 248ff.;Google Scholar Bayley, P., French Pulpit Oratory 1598–1650 (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 61–3Google Scholar.
57 Perhaps the most prolific letter-writer was Bullinger, from whom some 12,000 letters survive, rivalled by Melanchthon with 7,000, and Luther and Calvin with over 4,000 each: see Büsser, Fritz, ‘Bullinger et Calvin’, Études Théologiques et Religieuses, 63 (1988), pp. 31—52Google Scholar.
58 See, for example, Letters of Johnston, John c. 1565–1611 and Howie, Robert c. 1565–c.1645Google Scholar, ed. Cameron, J. K. (Edinburgh, 1063), esp. pp. 4–19Google Scholar.
59 For studies of such contacts see Cameron, J. K., ‘Some Continental Visitors to Scotland in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries’ in Smout, T. C., ed., Scotland and Europe 1200–1850 (Edinburgh, 1986), pp. 45–61 and ‘The British itinerary of Johann Peter Hainzel von Degerstein by Caspar Waser’, Zwringliana, 15 (1980), pp. 259–95Google Scholar.
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61 See, for instance, Eire, , War against the Idols, pp. 73ff.;Google Scholar Garside, C., Zwingli and the Arts (New Haven, 1966Google Scholar).
62 Beza, Theodore, Icones, id est, Verae Imagines.. (n.p., 1580Google Scholar); Cameron, J. K and Smart, R. N., ‘A Scottish form of the Emblème de la Religion Réformée: the post-Reformation seal of St Mary’s College in the University of St Andrews’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 105 (1972—4), pp. 248–54Google Scholar; Henkel and Schöne, Emblemata, col. 1567.
63 The development of logic as a component in the English scholarly curriculum is discussed by Todd, Margo, Christian Humanism and the Puritan Social Order (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 54–95Google Scholar, with reference to McConica, J. K., ‘Humanism and Aristotelianism in Tudor Oxford’, EHR, 94 (1979), pp. 291—317Google Scholar, and Schmitt, C. B., John Case and Aristotelianism in the Renaissance (Montreal, 1983); Ramism is discussed on pp. 67–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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65 Todd, Christian Humanism, pp. 69–71; for ‘Protestant scholasticism’ see Armstrong, B. G., Calvinism and the Amyraut Heresy; Protestant Scholasticism and Humanism in seventeenth century France (Madison, 1969)Google Scholar; Fatio, O., Methoie et Theologie: Lambert Daneau el ies debuts de la scholastique réformée (Geneva, 1976)Google Scholar.
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69 Dickens, A. G. and Tonkin, J. with Powell, K., The Reformation in Historical Thought (Cambridge, Mass., 1985), pp. 8–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for the ‘apocalyptic’ tradition in church history as it related to the exploitation of medieval heresy see my Reformation of the Heretics, pp. 243–52.
70 Dickens, and Tonkin, , Reformation, pp. 10–19Google Scholar; see Kelley, D. R., ‘Johann Sleidan and the Origins of History as a Profession’, JMH, 52 (1980), pp. 573–98Google Scholar; an early imitator was Pierre de la Place, Commentaires de Vestat de la religion et république … (n.p., 1565).
71 Dickens, and Tonkin, , Reformation, pp. 84–6Google Scholar; Yardeni, M., ‘La Conception de l’histoire dans l’ceuvrede La Popelinière’, Revue d’Histoiremoderneetcontemporaine, n (1964), pp. 112–16Google Scholar; Dubois, C-G., La Conception de l’histoire en France au xvi’siècle (1560-1610) (Paris, 1977), pp. 124—53Google Scholar.
72 See, above all, Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, pp. 58–89; of this phenomenon Dickens, A. G. remarks: ‘Do we not come very clear to the nexus between Christian Humanism and the Reformation? Here we observe a momentous encounter between a would-be-Scriptural religion and a variegated host of cults, processed, mediated, or merely tolerated by ecclesiastical authority…’: ‘Luther and the Humanists’, in Mack and Jacob, eds, Politicsand Culture, p. 205Google Scholar.
73 See, for instance, Collinson, P., The Religion of Protestants: The Church in English Society 1559–1625 (Oxford, 1982), pp. 220–30Google Scholar; Cameron, , The Reformation of the Heretics, pp. 179–80, 193–6Google Scholar.
74 On which see, above all, Delumeau, J., Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire (London, 1977)Google Scholar.
75 The work of Martin of Aries y Andosilla, Tractalus insignis et exquisitissimus de superstitionibus contra maleficia seu sortilegia (Paris, 15 iyff.), collected some of its author’s own experiences as a cleric near Pamplona, as well as writings by Gerson and Nider. The work of Henry of Gorinchem, Tractalus de supersticiosis quibusdam casibus, was printed twice at Esslingen in the 1470s and at Cologne in 1488.
76 See Eire, , War Against the Idols, pp. 45 —53Google Scholar.
77 Ibid., pp. 54–104.
78 On ‘acculturation’, see Muchembled, R., ‘Lay Judges and the Acculturation of the Masses (France and the Southern Low Countries, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries)’ in von Greyerz, ed., Religion and Society, pp. 56–65Google Scholar; also Muchembled, R., Popular Culture and Elite Culture in France 1400–1750, Cochrane, tr. L. (Baton Rouge, La., 1985), passim.Google Scholar
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80 See, for instance, the propaganda value in the early Reformation of such plays as Nikolaus Manuel’s Die Totenfresser and Die Ablasskramer, or of John Bale’s King John; Professor Patrick Collinson relates how one of the authors of the play Gorboduc, or Ferrex and Porrex, written by Thomas Sackville and Thomas Norton, became in later life a severe Puritan opponent of all theatre. The ambiguities are briefly discussed in Delumeau, Naissance el Affirmation, p. 358.
81 Scribner, R. W., ‘Reformation, Carnival, and the World turned upside-down’, Popular Culture and Popular Movements in Reformation Germany (London, 1987), pp. 73–95Google Scholar.
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90 Karant-Nunn, S. C, Zwickau in Transition 1500–1547 :the Reformation as an Agent of change (Columbus, Ohio, 1987), pp. 131–3Google Scholar; for the-pressures for ‘communalization’ of the old Church in general see Blickle, P., Gemeindereformation: Die Menschen da 16. Jahrhunderts aufdem Wegzum Heil (Munich, 1985), pp. 179ffGoogle Scholar.
91 These are approximately the findings of, for instance, Wrightson, K. and Levine, D., Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling 1525–1700, (London, 1979)Google Scholar and Collinson, P., ‘Cranbrook and the Fletchers: popular and unpopular religion in the Kentish Weald’ in Brooks, P. N., ed., Reformation Principle and Practice: Essays in Honour of Arthur Geoffrey Dickens (London, 1980), pp. 173–202Google Scholar.
92 The case is put by Ingram, M., ‘Religion, communities and moral discipline in late sixteenth-and early seventeenth-century England: case studies’ in Greyerz, von, ed., Religion and Society, pp. 177–93; and by his Church Courts, Sex and Marriage in England 1570–1640 (Cambridge, 1988)Google Scholar.
93 For some indications of common ground, see Delumeau, , Naissarue et affirmation, pp. 351 ffGoogle Scholar.
94 Bacon, , Works, 1 (London, 1778), pp. 14–15Google Scholar.