¹ Herder, J. G., Sämmtliche Werke, ed. J. G. Müller et al., 2nd edn. (Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1827-30), 60Google Scholar vols. Herder, J. G., Sämmtlitche Werke, ed. B. Suphan el al. (Berlin, 1877-1913), 33Google Scholar vols. I have used Suphan‘s critical edition mainly [hereafter Werke] unless otherwise stated. Herder’s correspondence, which contains much on his work as a clergyman, is now collected in the magnificent Herder, J. G., Briefe. Gesamtausgabe 1763–1803, ed. Hahn, K. H. (Weimar, 1977—84), 8Google Scholar vols. Useful commentary thereon: Paltz, E., ‘Zur Edition der Briefe J. G. Herder’s’, Theologische Literaturzeitung, 106 (1981), pp. 546–51Google Scholar. The only book to tackle ‘Herder: the Clergyman’ is the charming collection of essays and documents relating to Herder in office at Weimar: Schmidt, E., ed., Herder im geistlichen Amt (Leipzig, 1956)Google Scholar, Haym, R., Herder nach seinem Leben und seinen Werken (Berlin, 1880-5), 2Google Scholar vols, is still the best biography of this subject. A challenging, though overstated, case is made by Adler, E., ‘Herders Kampf wider den geistlichen Despotismus’, Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie, 8 (1960), pp. 820–37Google Scholar.

² D. Martin Luthers Werke, ed. Knaake, J. C. F. (Weimar, 1883 ff.), 50, pp. 657–61Google Scholar. Herder returned to this Preface repeatedly at Bückeburg and Weimar: see nn. 35 and 62 below. Herder knew Luther as few other clergy in eighteenth-century Germany. He possessed first editions, and the available scholarly texts like J. G. Walch’s 24-vol. Halle edn. of 1740–53. See Suphan’s, comments in Werke, 18, p. 543Google Scholar, passim; Bluhm, H., ‘Herders Stellung zu Luther’, Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, 64 (1949), pp. 158–82Google Scholar, and Born-kamm, H., Luther im Spiegel der deutschen Geistesgeschichte (Heidelberg, 1953), pp. 20–2, 123–33Google Scholar.

³ Adrastea (Leipzig, 1802), 4 = Werke, 24, pp. 32–7. Herder praised Zinzendorf’s contribution to the congregational hymn. See n. 67 below. Also ‘Ein Chor Singender ist gleichsam schon eine Gesellschaft Brüder: das Herz wird geöffnet’, in Lieder der Liebe (1778) = Werke, 8, pp. 404–5. Some of Zinzendorfȁs more sanguinary hymns Herder rejected for aesthetic reasons. Herder disliked Halle and Herrnhut’s tendency to split up in ecclesiolae. Wesley and Methodism: Adrastea, 4, Werke, 24, pp. 149–62.

⁴ Dobbek, W.. Johann Gottfried Herders Jugendzeit in Mohrungen und Königsberg 1744–1764 (Würzburg, 1961), pp. 3, 198Google Scholar; Sterne, , ibid., p. 191Google Scholar; Stavenhagen, K., Herder in Riga (Riga, 1925), p. 10Google Scholar.

⁵ Herder, J. G., Journal meiner Reise im Jahr 1769 = Historisch-Kritische Ausgabe, ed. K. Mommsen et al. (Frankfurt, 1983), p. 7Google Scholar. ‘Du hast einen doppelten Beruf: Du bist ein Priester des lebendigen Gottes. Du bist aber auch ein Pilgrim auf dieser Welt’, in Der freywilligen Nachlese. Bey den bisherigen Gelehrten und erbaulichen Monaths-Schriften vi. Sammlung (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1723), pp. 718–36: cited by Schmolders, C., Die Kunst des Gesprächs (Munich, 1979), p. 192Google Scholar.

⁶ Linné, C., Nemesis Divina, ed. Hagberg, K. (Stockholm, 1960), p. 7Google Scholar. On these notes, written C.1750-70, and subsequent editions, Lindroth, S., Svensk lärdomshistoria (Stockholm, 1978), 3, pp. 236–8Google Scholar. Linné’s theodicy and religious views, which had roots, like Herder’s, in Bible reading, Arnd, and Scriver, see Malmeström, W., Cari von Linné’s religiösa dskddning (Uppsala and Stockholm, 1926)Google Scholar. Nemesis, , ibid., pp. 170–86Google Scholar; Cillien, U., Johann Gottfried Herder Christlicher Humanismus (Raringen, 1972), pp. 136–41Google Scholar, in her discussion of Herder and Nemesis misses his connection with Linné. Herder’s appreciation of Linné’s Nemesis in Zerstreute Blätter. 2. Sammlung (Gotha, 1786) = Werke, 15, pp. 330–1. Herder was informed by the chemist, and bookkeeper to the Riga orphanage, Jakob Benjamin Fischer (1731-93), a pupil of Linné at Uppsala. He wrote Versuch einer Naturgeschichte von Liefland (Leipzig, 1778), and with August Wilhelm Hupel (1737-1819), vicar of Livonia’s largest parish, Oberpahlen (Pöltsamaa), in the 1760S, and chief pastor at Reval (Tallinn) after 1773, supplied Estonian and Latvian folk-song texts to Herder. Fischer: Recke, J. F. v. and Napiersky, K. E., eds, Allgemeines Schriftsteller- und Gelehrten-Lexikon der Provinzen Livland, Esthland una Kurland (Mitau, 1827-32), 1, pp. 568–9Google Scholar [hereafter Recke-Napiersky]. See also, Schaudinn, H., Deutsche Bildungsarbeit am lettischen Volkstum des 18. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1937), pp. 134–5Google Scholar.

⁷ Werke, 32, p. 7.

⁸ The full quotation is: ‘Innocue vivite; numen adest; / Reddite depositum; pietas sua foedera servet; / Fraus absit; vacuas caedis habete manus’: Ovid, Ars Amatoria, bk. i, lines 640–2. On the numinous, and Talio, see Malmeström, Linné, pp. 162–7, 175, 177, 191–3.

⁹ A useful discussion of Herder on awe (Schauder) is by Mommsen in Journal meiner Reise, pp. 244–57. Herder was also influenced by Edmund Burke’s, A Philosophical Inquiry into the Sublime and Beautiful (1756), German edn. (Riga, 1773). Caroline wrote in her Memoirs of the hidden world of spirits as being always close to Herder’s imagination: Werke, ed. Müller, 22, pp. 190–3.

¹⁰ Herder’s father noted important family occasions on the fly-leaf of his copy of Arnd; Gronau, E., ‘Herders religiöse Jugendentwicklung’, Zeitschrift für systematische Theologie, 8 (1931), pp. 312–13Google Scholar; Dobbek, , Herders Jugendzeit, p. 23Google Scholar. Hamann was a favourite pupil of the musician and virtuoso lutanist Johann Reichardt (1720-80).

¹¹ ‘Nur der Bibel zu gut ward ich Theolog, und ich erinnere mich meiner Kindheitsjahre, in denen ich Hiob, den Prediger, Jesias und die Evangelien las, wie ich kein Buch sonst auf der Welt gelesen habe und lesen werde. Mein ganzes Leben enrwickelt mir nun, was mir meine Kindheit sagte’. Herder to Friedrich Haller, Weimar, 3 Jan. 1783, Briefe, 4, no. 248. In common with Linné, Herder retained his childhood need to be out in nature all his life. Saturday summer afternoons in the meadows outside Mohrungen gathering speedwell and cowslips to make herbal tea was one of his more enjoyable experiences as a schoolboy. Dobbek, Herder’s Jugendzeit, p. 30.

¹² Gronau, , Jugendentwicklung, p. 313Google Scholar. ‘Die Lebensgeschichte Jesu, für Kinder so rührend und erbaulich’, Jouurnal meiner Reise, p. 43.

¹³ Vorländer, Karl, Immanuel Kants Leben, 2nd edn. (Leipzig, 1921), p. 4Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Machholz, E., Materialien zur Geschichte der Reformierten in Altpreuβen und im Ermlande (Lötzen, 1912), pp. 6–7Google Scholar. Mohrungen in Herder’s day had a Reformed congregation under the supervision of the Reformed pastor of Reichertswalde. Count Dohna was their patron, ibid., pp. 92–3.

¹⁵ Eckardt, J., Livland im achtzehnten Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1876), pp. 243–4, 434–5Google Scholar. The connection with Halle and Jena is discussed by Stolzenburg, A. F., Die Theologie des Jo. Franc. Buddeus und des Chr. Matth. Pfaff (Berlin, 1927)Google Scholar, repr. (Aalen, 1979), p. 386. He uses Harnack, T., Die lutherische Kirche Liviands und die herrnhutische Brüdergemeinde (Erlangen, 1860), pp. 22, 59Google Scholar. For the new interest in the Estonians and Latvians shown by these German pastors, Schaudinn, Deutsche Bildungsarbeit, pp. 112–37. Herder was simply one of the many North German and Saxon clergy who migrated East to Livonia and Estonia after 1721 for the opportunities and better standard of living they offered. See Seraphim, E., OstpreuβischbaltischenKulturbeziehungen im Zeitaller der Aufkläarung, in , E. and Seraphim, A., ed., Aus vier Jahrhunderten. Gesammelte Aufsälze zur baltischen Geschichte (Reval, 1913), pp. 259–98Google Scholar. Berlin, for Herder, was a remote place on the map before 1769. Dobbek, , Herders Jugendzeit, p. 189Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Von Essen: Recke-Napiersky, I, pp. 527–9. He had also tried to make the Swedish service-book more intelligible for Riga’s parishioners: see Handbuch für die Kirchen der Stadi Riga, zum beauemeren Gebrauch etc (Riga, 1760). Swedish ecclesiastical law was observed until 1832 in Estonia and Livonia. The service-book (Handbuch, Kirchenagende oder Liturgie) was translated into German by Superintendent-General Gabriel Skragge in 1708; also into Latvian at Riga, and Estonian at Reval. Ic remained in use until 1805. In practice, Swedish liturgical uniformity was less than uniform in Herder’s day. Only in the cines of Riga and Reval was it observed more assiduously. See, Hupel, A. W., Topographische Nachrichten von Lief- und Ehstland (Riga, 1777), 2, pp. 91–2Google Scholar. Relations with Riga’s orthodox clergy: Eckardt, Livland, pp. 352–4. Suphan also refers to this, and Bishop Platon of Pleskau and Narva’s visit to Riga in 1764, Werkt, 32, pp. 202, 536–7.

¹⁷ The liturgy included in the edition of Königsberg’s Church order of 1568 was re-issued separately almost unchanged in 1741, 1780, and 1789. Bishop Ludwig Borowski, Kant’s bio grapher, when he began his cautious liturgical reform in 1789, used the moderate words of the 1568 preface as his guide.

¹⁸ Wiesenhütter, A., Protestantischer Kirchenbau des deutschen Ostens in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Leipzig, 1936), p. 41Google Scholar. Herder’s reference to local environment as also influencing his decision to take orders: ‘Eindruck von Kirch und Altar, Kanzel und geistlicher Beredsamkeit, Amtsverrichtungund geistlicher Ehrerbeitung… Mein Leben ist ein Gang durch Gotische Wöl bungen’, Journal miner Reise, pp. 124–5. Or the influence of medieval church architecture: ‘Gothisches, dunkles, abentheuerliches Gebäude’ etc., ‘Sabbath und Sonntagsfeier’ = Werke, 6, p. 93. W. Dobbek, Herders Jugendzeit, pp. 24–5.

¹⁹ Observance of the Christian festivals at Riga, Hupel, Topographie, 2, p. 83: ‘In den rigischen Stadtkirchen wird täglich, aber des Morgens zu früh, gepredigt, wenige, oft nur 6 Zuhörer finden sich ein, die meisten schlafen noch, oder sind des Sommers schon an ihre Geschäfte gegangen…. Ueberhaupt ist der öffentliche Gottesdienst in den rigischen Stadtkirchen mit viel alten Zeremonien, und äussern dem Geist des Evangeliums nicht ganz angemessenen Gepränge überladen’, ibid., 2, p. 91. Surplices and chasubles were worn over a black cassock with large ruff, ibid. There were six Lutheran churches, including the cathedral, within the city walls.

²⁰ ‘1st aber je ein Jahrhundert reich an Verordnungen, die in Kirchensachen ergangen, gewesen, so ist es das gegenwärtige’, was the way the senior Königsberg clergyman D. H. Arnoldt summed up the eighteenth century in his Kurzgefaβte Kirchengeschichte des Königreichs Preuβen (1769): quoted by Hubatsch, W., Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche Ostpreussens (Göttingen, 1968), I, p. 206Google Scholar. Frederick the Great’s reign in East Prussia amounted to a string of emergency laws for church and school, Notbohm, H., Das evangeliche Kirchen- und Schulwesen in Ostpreussen während der Regierung Friedrichs des Grossen (Heidelberg, 1959), p. 187Google Scholar. Hamann on political arithmetic: Nadler, J., Johann Georg Hamann 1730–1788. Der Zeuge des Corpus Mysticum (Salzburg, 1949), p. 380Google Scholar.

²¹ Herder’s notes on Kant’s lectures are edited by: H. D. Irmscher, ‘Immanuel Kant. Aus den Vorlesungen der Jahre 1762 bis 1764. Auf Grund der Nachschriften Johann Gottfried Herders’, Kantstudien, Ergänzungsheft, 88 (1964). What Herder learnt from Kant is discussed by Gulyga, A., Immanuel Kant (Frankfurt arn Main, 1981), pp. 68–72Google Scholar. Herder later wrote of Kant in the prime of life as having the ‘fröhliche Munterkeit eines Junglings’, which he thought would accompany him into old age, Werke, 18, p. 324. Dobbek, W., Herders Jugendzeit, p. 108Google Scholar. Also ibid., pp. 99–116 for Kant’s influence. Herder used the observatory on top of the Fridericianum where he lived and taught part-time. He devoured new travel literature like Shaw’s, Thomas, Travels & Observations relating to several parts of Barberry & the Levant (Oxford, 1738)Google Scholar. On Sterne, Richardson, and Swift, Unger, R., Hamann und die Aufklärung (Jena, 1911), I, pp. 405–6Google Scholar. ‘Shandysieren’ was a favourite expression of theirs.

²² For Hamann’s view of the Incarnation, Revelation, and Scripture, German, T.J., Hamann on Language and Religion (Oxford, 1981), pp. 57–9, 83, 132, 156Google Scholar. ‘Signs’, Hamann to Lavater, 17 Jan. 1778, ibid., pp. 173–5. Also Smith, R. G., J. G. Hamann 1730–1788. A Study in Christian Existence with Selections from his Writings (London, 1960), p. 69Google Scholar. The Bible as a fundamental book, Unger, Hamann, I, p. 128. Also Leibrecht, W., Colt und Mensch bei Johann Georg Hamann (Gütersloh, 1958), pp. 43,45Google Scholar.

²³ Herder’s confidence in Hamann: Gronau, Jugendentwicklung, p. 340. Hamann and Herder as representatives of Counter-Enlightenment: Berlin, I., Vico and Herder. Two Studies in the History of Ideas (London, 1976)Google Scholar, and Berlin, I., ‘The Counter Enlightenment’, and ‘Hume and the Sources of German Anti-Rationalism’, reprinted in Against the Current. Essays in the History of Ideas, ed. Hardy, H. (Oxford, 1981), pp. 1–24, 162–87Google Scholar.

²⁴ Nadler, , Hamann, p. 429Google Scholar. Respect for liturgical order: Leibrecht, Gott und Mensch, p. 258, and ibid., pp. 28, 88, 95.

²⁵ ‘Betrübt’ (sorrowful) is a reference to Matthew 26. 38. Sermons on Paul in Prison, Nicodemus, Nathanael, and Lazarus: Sexagesima 1775, Über den Selbstruhm, Werke, 31, pp. 374–96; Trinity Sunday, 21 May 1769?, ibid., 32, pp. 478–501; Stille Gröβe Jesu 1774, 31, pp. 312–38; Auferweckung des Lazarus 1774, pp. 339–74. Caroline wrote of Herder’s style of preaching: ‘Herder predigte im wahren Sinn der Homilie’, Werke, ed. Müller, 22, p. 27. Herder’s sermons are collected in Werke, 31 and 32.

²⁶ Herder began on the wrong footing with the tall and unbending Count Wilhelm when he arrived late at his first audience in a sky-blue silk cape embroidered in gold with white waistcoat and hat. Having to walk and listen in the park of Count Wilhelm’s summer residence, Zum Baum, to the Count’s views on the folly of all human endeavour once a month in the summer after preaching was agony for Herder, Haym, Herder, I, pp. 450–67. Herder poured out his real feelings to Caroline and Hamann, see Briefe, 2 and 3. Herder thought the Count a true Don Quixote of the eighteenth century: Herder to Hamann, 20 July 1776, ibid., 3, no. 253. On simony, and ordinand Karl Ludwig Stock: Haym, Herder, I, pp. 725–9, Briefe, 3, no. 188 and passim.

²⁷ Caroline records this in her memoirs, Werke, ed. Müller, 32, p. 184. See also introduction to Werke, 7, p. viii. Herder was fascinated by Pascal’s and Giordano Bruno’s view of the Universe as an infinite sphere whose centre is everywhere, and whose circumference is nowhere. Herder constantly returned to the asymptote in his religious writing.

²⁸ Herder’s friendship with Countess Maria is discussed by Stephan, H., Herder in Bückeburg und seine Bedeutung für die Kirchengeschichte (Tübingen, 1905), pp. 71–3, 112, 143,190Google Scholar, and Haym, , Herder, I, pp. 719–21, 747–8Google Scholar. Bach, J. C. F.: Wolff, C. et al., eds, The New Grove Bach Family (London, 1983), pp. 309–14Google Scholar. Article too by Rolf Benecke in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart [hereafter MGG], I, pp. 956–60.

²⁹ An Prediger (Leipzig, 1774)= Werke, 7, pp. 225–312. The important previous draft of 1773 is printed ibid., pp. 173–224. ‘Ich predige nicht zum Druck, nicht Spaldingsch, rund und klassisch schön’, Herder to Lavater, end of 1773, and 5 Nov. 1774, Werke, 7, pp. vii-viii. Hamann had also written a similar provincial letter from the heart of East Prussia to Berlin: Lettre neologique et provinciale sur l’inoculation du bons sens (1761), Nadler, Hamann, pp. 139–42. For the connection with Herder’s historical treatment of the Bible in his other simultaneous writings, Auch eine Philosophie der Geschichte, etc. (1774), Älteste Urkunde des Menschengeschlechts (1774-6), Erlöuterungen zum Neuen Testament (1775), and Briefe zweener Brüder Jesu in unserm Kanon (1775): see Stephan, H., Herder in Bückeburg, pp. 161–7Google Scholar, Haym, , Herder, I, pp. 600–54Google Scholar. The best introductions to Spalding are Schollmeier, J., Johann Joachim Spalding. Ein Beitrag zur Theologie der Aufklärung (Gütersloh, 1967)Google Scholar, and Krause, R., Die Predigt der späten deutschen Aufklärung 1770–1805 (Stuttgart, 1965), pp. 18–34Google Scholar. Herder soon regretted this outburst against Spalding whom he really admired. See n. 84, below. Both revered the writing of Anthony Ashley Cooper, third Earl of Shaftesbury (1671-1713).

³⁰ Teller’s, Wörterbuch, Werke, 7, p. 209Google Scholar. Teller, , Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, 37, pp. 556–8Google Scholar, and RE, 19, pp. 475–81. Teller’s, Lehrbuch des christlichen Glaubens (Helmstedt and Halle, 1764)Google Scholar was confiscated in Electoral Saxony. On the Berlin clergy: Rathgeber, C., ‘The Reception of the Religious Aufklärung in Berlin at the End of the Eighteenth Century’ (Cambridge Ph.D., 1985)Google Scholar. Herder was hurt, too, in being upstaged by Friedrich Nicolai’s satirical novel written in the manner of Sterne: Leben und Meinungen des Herrn Magisters Sebaldus Nothanker (Berlin, 1773–6), 3 vols, which, he thought, concentrated too much on the issue of the clergy’s dignity and matters of dress. Herder wore clerical dress only when he had to. See his lines in the Wandsbecker Bote, 1774/5: ‘Talare hindern freyen Gang, / Reichthümer freye Seele’, Werke, 29, p. 57. See n. 26 below. Herder was also hurt by Nicolai’s criticism of his emotional writing and his interest in folksong: see Herder’s epigram on Nicolai: ‘Herr Nikkel had gemacht dies Buch / daβ jeder grosssen Geist drinn such / und so gemacht, daβ jedermann / gar keinen Geist drinn finden kann’, Werke, 29, p. 540.

³¹ Spalding, J.J., Lebensbeschreibung von ihm selbst aufgesetzt und herausgegeben mit einem Zusatze von dessen Sonne Georg Ludwig Spalding (Halle, 1804), p. 103Google Scholar.

³² ‘Diese sind noch immer die eigentlichen Depositairs der öffentlichen Moralität’, Spalding, Nulzbarkeit, p. 54. Ibid., p. 66, Spalding wrote of the clergy as religious teachers who should show ‘Bereitwilligkeit zu helfen, Redlichkeit im Gewerbe, Fleiβ im Dienste anderer, Gehorsam und Treue gegen den Regierenden, Ertragung schwerdrückender Lasten’. Ibid., p. 216, for Spalding’s distinction between Christian ethics and the law. On the spread of Neo-Stoic values in Frederician Prussia, G. Oestreich, Neosloicism and the Early Modem State (Cambridge, 1982).

³³ Werke, 7, p. 252.

³⁴ Ibid., p. 253.

³⁵ Ibid., p. 302. See n. 62, below.

³⁶ Werke, p. 265.

³⁷ Ibid., pp. 310–12. Pp. 307–12 are really a portrait of Christ’s person. Herder’s Christocentrism is discussed by Stephan, Herder in Bückeburg, pp. 227–32.

³⁸ Ibid., p. 305.

³⁹ Ibid., pp. 278–81. On the vexing question of orthodoxy and oaths taken to the Landesherr, Stephan, Herder in Bückeburg, pp. 102–4, 191–3. The public debate about the Anglican Thirty-nine Articles of Religion in England in the 1770s was closely followed in Protestant Germany. ‘Orthodoxie, wahre Theologie herzustellen, geradezu dem Strom des deistischen Jahrhunderts unsrer rechtgläubigen Theologen entgegen‘, Herder, to Brandes, G. F., Bückeburg, 5 Jan. 1776, Briefe, 3, no. 219Google Scholar, was written apropos the attempt by the‘liberal’Faculty of Theology at Göttingen to examine his Christian belief when Herder applied for a professorship in 1775. They had been prompted to do so by George 111.

⁴⁰ Ibid., 7, p.281.

⁴¹ ‘Sey andächtig’, Werke, 6, p. 92. Opiates and improvement, ibid., 6, p. 306, and 10, pp. 355–6. Herder was thinking too of Apollinaris when he wrote of the ‘lieblichsten Opiumträumen jenes Bischofs aus Laodicea’.

⁴² Ibid., 6, p. 93. On comprehension of the Catechism in East Prussia, Notbohm, Kirchen- und Schulwesen, p. 179.

⁴³ Sermon: Sixteenth Sunday after Trinity (1768), Über das Gebet, Werke, 31, pp. 73–95. Fassung is used for the devotional mood in God’s presence, ibid., p. 82.

⁴⁴ Sermons: Second day of Christmas 1765, ibid., 32, p. 285, and Christmas Day 1768?; ibid., p. 448. Zacharias, Mary, and Joseph: Third Sunday in Advent (1773); ibid., 31, p. 257, and Fourth Sunday in Advent; ibid., p. 267.

⁴⁵ Christmas Day 1768, ibid., 32, p. 454.

⁴⁶ omnipresence, God’s, ibid., 31, p. 88Google Scholar. Bible reading and prayer: Ueber die Göttlichkeit und Gebrauch der Bibel, Second Sunday in Advent (1768), ibid., 31, p. 121. ‘Dieses Leben soil uns nicht so gefallen‘, etc., Fifteenth Sunday after Trinity, ibid., 32, p. 331. See also ibid., 10, p. 397.

⁴⁷ ‘Wirkt die Musik auf Denkart und Sitten?’, Adrastea (Leipzig, 1801–2), 2 = Werke, 23, P. 345.

⁴⁸ Texts to Oratorios: Die Kirtdheit Jesu, Werke, 28, pp. 28–33; Lazarus, ibid., pp. 34–44; Fremdling auf Golgotha, ibid., pp. 84–100; Cantatas: Whitsun 1773, Werke, 28, pp. 45–51; Ascension 1776; Michaelmas 1775, ibid., pp. 79–83. Music: Wohlfarth Catalogue J. C. F. Bach: Die Kindheit Jesus XIV/2; Lazarus XIV/3; Ftemdling auf Golgotha XIV/7; Ascension 1775 XIV/8; Whitsun 1773 XIV/4. On the merits of the oratorio and cantata see: Werke, 23, p. 559.

⁴⁹ Cäcilia, Zerstreute Blätter 5 Sammlung (Gotha 1793)= Werke, 16, pp. 253–67. On the unity of the order of service from first to last note, Ibid., pp. 259–61.

⁵⁰ Schmitz, A., Die Bildlichkeit der Wortgehundenen Musik Johann Sebastian Backs (Mainz, 1949). p. 26Google Scholar: cited by Day, J., The literary Background to Bach’s Cantatas (London, 1961), p. 107Google Scholar.

⁵¹ A sensitive appreciation of Herder’s musical offering is by Walter Wiora, ‘Herder’, in MGG, 6, pp. 203–14.

⁵² Herder’s ministry in Weimar is sketched by I. Braecklein, ‘Zur Tätigkeit im Konsistorium des Herzogtums Sachsen-Weimar’, in Schmidt, Herder im geistlichem Amt, pp. 54–72, and H. Eberhardt, ‘Johann Gottfried Herder in Weimar‘, Amtsblalt der Evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche in Thüringen, 31 (1978), pp. 198–207. In general: Herrmann, R., Thüringische Kirchengeschichte (Weimar, 1947), 2Google Scholar. Herder’s work as a schoolmaster was constantly hampered by the Duchy’s parlous education system, Krumbholz, P., Geschichte des Weitnarischen Schulwesens = Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica, LXI (Berlin, 1934), pp. 86–167Google Scholar. In English there is Bruford, W. H., Culture and Society in Classical Weimar 1775–1806 (Cambridge, 1962)Google Scholar. Bruford skates over Herder’s conscious debt to Luther and the Reformation.

⁵³ Werke, ed. Müller, 22, pp. 204–5 and 21, p. 232. Herder wanted to write a biography of Luther to expose the resultant mess made by Saxon princes, but he feared reprisals, see Müller, J. G., Aus dem Herderschen Hause, Aufzeichnungen 1780–1782 (Berlin, 1881), pp. 31–2Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Epigramme = Werke, 29, p. 646. The letter to Hamann, Saturday before Cantate 1785, ibid., p. 756. Cranach’s portrait is also described by Müller, Aus dem herderschen Hause, p. 36.

These letters are collected in Werke, 10 and 11. Commentary by Kamzenbach, F. W., ‘Herders Briefe das Studium der Théologie betreffend. Überlegungen zur Transformation der reformatorischen Kreuzestheologie’, in Maltusch, J. G., ed., Büclteburger Gespräche über Johann Gottfried Herder 1975 (Rinteln, 1976), pp. 22–57Google Scholar. The Spirit of Hebrew Poetry, Werke, II, pp. 213–475, and 12, pp. 1–308. Commentary Robscheit, H., ‘Herder als Ausleger des Alten Testaments’ in Schmidt, Herder im geistlichen Amt, pp. 26–38Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ See especially Müller, Aus dem herderschen Hause.

⁵⁷ Kantzenbach, Herders Briefe, discusses the question of the Bible as a source, accommodation, and prophecy raised by Reimarus and Lessing. In general, K. Aner, Die Theologie der Lessingzeit (Halle, 1929, reprint Olms, 1964).

⁵⁸ Werke, 10, pp. 1–12, 277–83. Caroline in her memoirs records Herder as writing in 1797, ‘die tollen Bücher sind für mich oft die Besten: sie zwingen zur Sobrietät’, Werke, ed. Müller, 22, p. 190.

⁵⁹ On the Bible as a garden rather than a workhouse, Werke, 11, p. 8. ‘Ohne Providenz ist uns die Lehre von Gott unnütz: der Gott der Epikurer, der auϗerhalb der Welt wohnet, ist uns ein entbehrliches Wesen’, ibid., 10, p. 334. Talio : ‘Christus entdeckt uns nehmlich die moralische Regierung Gottes in der Welt als ein groβe, unsichtbare Waage der That und der Folgen: Du kannst niches, weder Gutes noch Böses in die Eine Schaale legen, ohne daβ sich die andre, mit gleichem, aber progreβivem Maas der Schwere in guten und bösen Folgen rege’, ibid., p. 337.

⁶⁰ Werke, 10, p. 346.

⁶¹ As the shepherd, ibid., p. 244. Homiletics and conduct in church, ibid., 11, letters 38–46 inclusive. Sermon: Stadthagen, 14 Jan. 1776 in ibid., 31, pp. 408–15. ‘Siehe da die Gemeine, die dir anvertraut ist und die du zu Gott führen sollt… Wapne dich also mit Gott, o guter Streiter Jesu Christi’, ibid., 10, p. 414.

⁶² Werke, 10, pp. 327–8 Herder returns here to Luther’s Preface of 1539 in his Provinzialblätter. See n. 35 above, ibid., pp. 324, 368–70.

⁶³ Ibid., 31, pp. 409–10.

⁶⁴ Ibid., 10, pp. 380–1.

⁶⁵ Ibid., pp. 386–7, 396–7.

⁶⁶ Ibid., 11. pp. 359–60, 371–3. Music and how toread the Psalms, ibid., 12, pp. 208–11. Herder remembered the contrast he had made between mach, pneuma theou, and l’esprit de quelque chose in his Latin thesis De Spirito sancto auctore salutis humanae he had presented for ordination at Riga in 1767, J. Kirschfeldt, Herders Konsistorialexamen in Riga im Jahre 1767 (Riga, 1935)1 pp. 8–9.

⁶⁷ ‘Die tiefste Grundlage der heiligen Musik ist wohl der Lobgesang, Hymnus: ich möchte sagen, er sei dem Menschen natürlich’, Cäcilia = Werke, 16, p. 256; ‘Mir ists immer rührend, wenn eine Christliche Gemeine mit Herz und Überzeugung Auferstehungs- Geburts-Passionslieder, als Facta und Entschlüsse über Facta singet; in ihrer gröβten Simplicität ist eine Kraft, die manches neuere Machwerk von gereimten oder ungereimten Raisonnement weder nachahmen, noch ersetzen kann’, ibid., Werke, 10, p. 171. Congregational participation in sacred music see: Werke, II, letter 46, pp. 63–73.

⁶⁸ Werke, 10, p. 171; II, pp. 69–70. Herder’s gift to Müller: ibid., 12, p. 441.

⁶⁹ Herder was thinking of Klopstock’s Die Chöre, ibid., p. 441; also ibid., 10, p. 233. Herder’s definition of the unity of the order of service: ‘Die Anordnung des Gottesdienstes selbst im Innern und Äuβern, Sänger, Leser, Prediger, die Gemeine, also ihre Erziehung’, Cäcilia, Werke, 16, p. 261.

⁷⁰ Pfeiffer, A F., Ûber die Musik der Ebràer (Erlangen, 1779)Google Scholar: cited by Herder, in Werke, 12, p. 248Google Scholar. Herder’s praise of modern Italian and German polyphony: ibid., p. 253.

⁷¹ Herder’s, text: Werke, 28, pp. 105–14Google Scholar. His appreciation of Handel, ibid., 23, pp. 556–9. Reference to the Messiah and its arias: ibid., II, letter 46, pp. 72–3.

⁷² MGG, 14, p. 771.

⁷³ Ibid., pp. 770–5 for article by Hàrtwig, Dieter. Cantatas for the Christian Year: Werke, 28, p. 557Google Scholar, and Aus denm herderschen Hause, p. 71.

⁷⁴ See Herder’s prefaces to two editions of 1778, and the preface to 1795: Werke, 31, pp. 707–22. Reprinted in Schmidt, Herder im geistlichen Amt, pp. 217–29. Ameln, K., ‘Johann Gottfried Herder als Gesangbuch-Herausgeber’, Jahrbuch für Liturgik und Hymnologie, 23 (1979), pp. 132–3Google Scholar. Schrems, T., Die, Geschichte des gregorianischen Gesanges in den protestantischen Gottes-diensten (Freibourg, 1930), p. 106Google Scholar, mentions Herder including as nos. 1–3, the Kyrie summum, Paschale, and Magne Deus. The 1795 hymnal included 28 of Luthers hymns; Paul Gerhardt was also well represented, Werke, 12, p. 441. Herder disliked his choirboys having to sing also in the opera chorus in Weimar’s theatre. For his row with Goethe: Burkhardt, C. A. H., ‘Herder and Goethe über die Mitwirkung der Schule beim Theater’, Vierteljahrschrift für Literaturgeschichte, I (1888), pp. 435–43Google Scholar. Caroline refers to this also: Werke, ed. Müller, 22, p. 28. Herder was aware, too, of the attempt to provide Riga with a more up-to-date hymnal. See A. W. Hupel’s appendix. ‘Gedanken über das Rigische Gesangbuch’ in his An das Lief-und Ehstländische Publikum (Riga, 1772), p. 83 and passim. Hupel stressed the importance of providing cheap hymnals as Halle had done.

⁷⁵ Braecklein in Schmidt, Herder im geistlichen Amt, p. 64.

⁷⁶ Ibid., pp. 60–2. ‘Die Revision der Liturgie’, Weimar, 23 Oct. 1797 = Werke, 31, pp. 761–74. R. Bürkner, ‘Herder als Liturgiker’, Monatschrifi für Gottesdienst und kirchliche Kunst, 8 (1903), pp. 387–94.

⁷⁷ These letters are collected by Hahn in Briefe, 6. They are also edited by Dietze, W. and Loeb, E., Bloβ für dich gesehrieben. Briefe und Aufzeichnungen über eine Reise nach Italien 1788/89 (Berlin and Weimar, 1980)Google Scholar. Herder’s letters to his children are charming descriptions of landscape, animals, and history. See especially letters 19, 40, and 41, Briefe, 6.

⁷⁸ Gibbon’s influence on Herder and his Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte (1784-91): Haym, , Herder, 2, p. 231Google Scholar, also Bruford, Culture and Society, p. 230. For Gibbon in the context of the new history in Livonia and Estonia in the 1770s: Schaudinn, , Deutsche Bildungsarbeit, pp. 124–37Google Scholar, and Neufschäffer, H., ‘Die Geschichtsschreibung im Zeitalter der Aufklàrung’, in Rauch, G. v., ed., Geschichte der deutschbaltischen Geschichtsschreibung (Cologne and Vienna, 1986), pp. 63–85Google Scholar. Herder’s views on ecclesiastical history: Scholder, K., ‘Herder und die Anfänge der historischen Theologie’, Evangeliche Theologie, 22 (1962), pp. 425–40Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ To Caroline, Rome, 27 Dec. 1788, Briefe, 6, no. 51.

⁸⁰ To Caroline, Rome, 17 March 1789, ibid., no. 66, includes Herder’s poem, Spirit of the Cypresses. The poem is also printed in Werke, 29, pp. 568–73. The cypresses are also mentioned in his letter to Caroline, Rome, 21 Feb. 1789, ibid., no. 62. ‘Ich habe an Weihnachten gnug, und eine Woche heilige Castratenmusik mehr oder minder wird mir auch nicht der gröβeste Verlust sein. Im Grunde sind dies alles für mich Pfützen aus einem todten Meer, so sehr sich auch Goethe den Mund aufreiβt, ihre Süβigkeit zu loben’, to Caroline, Rome 27 Feb. 1789, ibid., no. 64. Compare the final lines of the penultimate stanza of Herder’s poem included in no. 66 above: ‘Vom ganzen Heer Kastratennachtigallen/ sollt’ Ave! Amen! in die Lieder schallen’.

⁸¹ To Caroline, Florence, 21 May 1789, ibid., no. 81.

⁸² Herder and Stolberg’s conversion: Haym, , Herder, pp. 560–1Google Scholar. See n. 80, above, for his rejection of Goethe’s romanticism. See Bürkner, , Herder als Liturgiker, pp. 3 87–9Google Scholar.

⁸³ His two little books are printed as Christliche Schriflen, 5 Sammlung = Werke, 20, pp. 1–130, and pp. 135–265. ‘Stöcke und Blöcke’, ibid., p. 69.

⁸⁴ Caroline’s sarcastic aside ‘mit ihrem Religions-Schleiermacher’ to Jean Paul in a letter, 1 Feb. 1800, Haym, Herder, 2, p. 555. Stephan, H., ‘Schleiermachers “Reden über die Religion” und Herders “Religion, Lehrmeinungen und Gebräuche”, Zeilschrift für Theologie und Kirche, 16 (1906), pp. 484–505Google Scholar. Herder in his Religion, Lehrmeinungen und Gebräuchen came closer to Spalding’s view in Religion eine Angelegenheit des Menschen (Berlin, 1798), Werke, 20, pp. 141–2. Herder also cited the story of the Mirror in Swift’s Tale of a Tub, Haym, Herder, 2, pp. 552–5. On the place of Baptism and Communion in the order of service: Werke, 20, pp. 192–5 and 195–210. Their importance is stressed also earlier in his Provinzialblätter: Werke, 7, p. 232. Herder was critical of what he thought to be the ‘authorized’ aspect of the Anglican Eucharist. He wrote of this as ‘eines Parlamentsgliedes der hohen Kirche vollkommen werth’; ibid., 20, p. 204. On Herder’s view of the order of service: Carstensen, G., ‘Nägra drag i pietistisk och rationalistisk Kultkritik och Kultmotiveriung i den tyska Lutherdomen’, Lunds Universitets Ârsskrift N.F. Avd 1, 20, no. 3 (Lund, 1925)Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Diary, Reminiscences, and Correspondence of Henry Crabb Robinson, ed. Sadler, T. (London, 1869), 3, p. 48Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Werke, 20, pp. 61–2.

⁸⁷ Ibid., pp. 77, 96–7. ‘Wir sind keine Hellenen’; ibid., p. 98.

⁸⁸ Ibid., p. 245. ‘Strain at a gnat’; ibid., pp. 145–6. The need for a history of doctrine, ibid., p. 239.

⁸⁹ See Herder’s Advent setmon of 1768 where he movingly described Bible reading and prayer, Werke, 31, p. 121, and n. 46. Christ’s suffering on the Cross at Calvary Herder made vivid by printing the colloquial description by the vicar of Mohrungen, Christian Reinhold Willamovius(1701-63): ‘Er hieng Mutter-Faden-nackt am kreuz’, Ueber die neuere deutsche Litteratur, 2 Sammlung 1767 = Werke, I, p. 269; another reference, Dobbek, Herders Jugendzeit, p. 202. See too Herder’s epigram alluding to his own work at Weimar: ‘An des Crucifix im Consistorium / “O du heiliger, bleibt dir immer dein trauriges Schicksal, / zwischen Schächer gehängt, sterbend am Kreuze zu seyn?” / Und zu deinen Fuβen erscheint das Wort des Propheten / von den Ochsen und Farr’n feisten geselligen Schaar. / Heiliger, blick’ auf mich und sprich auch mir in die Seele: / “Vater vergib! denn sie wissen ja nie was sie thun”’, Werke, 29, p. 647. ‘Ochsen’, etc. is a reference to Psalm 22.13, ibid., p. 756.