Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 March 2022
The American knowledge economy (AKE) is not a foreordained transition in the organization of economic production, nor is it a form of political economy shaped predominately by the political demands of highly educated workers. It is a politically generated consensus for producing economic prosperity and economic advantage over other nations in which intellectual property (IP), and the businesses that produce it, play a leading role. The history of AKE development reveals as much. In the AKE's formative period, from 1980 to 1994, IP producers and a faction of neoliberal Democrats (the “Atari Democrats”), not decisive middle-class voters, played a pivotal role in reconfiguring institutions of American political economy to hasten the AKE transition. Their vision of AKE development inherently complicated the Democratic Party's attitude toward rising market power and continues to shape contemporary disputes within the party over antitrust enforcement and the validity of the AKE project itself.
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5 The strongest voices against this trend have been Susan Sell and Mark Schwartz. Susan K. Sell, Private Power, Public Law: The Globalization of Intellectual Property Rights (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); Schwartz, Herman Mark, “Corporate Profit Strategies and U.S. Economic Stagnation,” American Affairs 4, no. 3 (2020)Google Scholar.
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22 Patents on new technologies have value because they provide, for a limited time, a legal monopoly within a technological domain. The monopoly power inherent in each patent therefore provides its owner or producer with a temporary opportunity to generate rents or substantial economic returns beyond what would otherwise be observed in a more competitive economic environment. Joseph E. Stiglitz, The Price of Inequality: How Today's Divided Society Endangers Our Future (New York and London: W.W. Norton, 2013), 54. Though a single blockbuster patent can confer tremendous economic power to its owner, a more conventional source of power lies in the ability of corporations to aggregate many patents into large portfolios, either through sustained in-house R&D or by purchasing or licensing patents developed by other firms. While a start-up firm may develop one or a handful of patents, the IP producers that dominate the AKE today hold tens of thousands of patents.
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68 Ibid.
69 Ibid.
70 Tyson, “Tsongas Record in High Technology.”
71 Ibid.
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74 If one uses IFI Claims patent data hosted by Google BigQuery to identify the largest patent holders in 1980, General Motors ranks fifth behind General Electric, DuPont, IBM, and Westinghouse Electric.
75 Sell, Private Power, Public Law: The Globalization of Intellectual Property Rights, chs. 4–5.
76 Ryan, Knowledge Diplomacy, 106–11; Scherer, “The Political Economy of Patent Policy Reform in the United States,” 204–206.
77 Ryan, Knowledge Diplomacy, 68.
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89 Diamond v. Chakrabarty, 447 U.S. 303 (1980).
90 Advisory Committee on Industrial Innovation, Report on Patent Policy, 164.
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92 Antitrust Enforcement and Intellectual Property Rights (technical report, U.S. Department of Justice and Federal Trade Commission, 1995), section 1, https://www.justice.gov/atr/archived-1995-antitrust-guidelines-licensing-intellectual property.
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105 Block, “Swimming Against the Current.”
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107 Block, “Innovation and the Invisible Hand of Government.”
108 Eisinger, The Rise of the Entrepreneurial State, chs. 1–4.
109 Ibid., 249–65.
110 Ibid., 275–89.
111 Ibid., 294.
112 Cebul, “Supply-Side Liberalism.”
113 Executive Advisory Council, Winning Technologies: A New Industrial Strategy for California and the Nation (technical report, California Commission on Industrial Innovation, 1982).
114 Geismer, Don't Blame Us, 268.
115 Eisinger, The Rise of the Entrepreneurial State, 67–69.
116 Geismer, Don't Blame Us, 270.
117 David Lampe, “Introduction,” in The Massachusetts Miracle: High Technology and Economic Revitalization, ed. David Lampe (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1988), 11.
118 United States Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States (technical report, Washington, DC, 1985), 278.
119 Lampe, “Introduction,” 16.
120 Geismer, Don't Blame Us, 278–79.
121 Margaret O'Mara, The Code: Silicon Valley and the Remaking of America (New York: Penguin, 2019), 292–96.
122 Ibid., 192–95.
123 Ibid., 213–15.
124 Graham, Losing Time, 168–69, 220.
125 O'Mara, The Code, 223–26.
126 Khan, “The Ideological Roots of America's Market Power Problem”; Stoller, Goliath.
127 Nicholas Short, “The Distributional Consequences of the American Knowledge Economy” (working paper, January 2022), https://scholar.harvard.edu/nickshort/publications/distributional-consequences-american-knowledge-economy.