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36. Cong. Globe, May 2, 1856, 1093; Appendix, Cong. Globe, June 2, 1856, 796; Lincoln, Abraham, The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, vol. II, Basler, Roy B., ed. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953), 355Google Scholar. (Fehrenbacher disputes the authenticity of the last statement. Fehrenbacher, The Dred Scott Case, 645 n.39.)

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42. Fehrenbacher, The Dred Scott Case, 553–555, 574–575.

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52. Cong. Rec. (April 2, 1890): 2901; Cong. Rec. (April 8, 1890): 3148.

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64. 367 U.S. 497 (1961).

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66. 381 U.S. 479 (1965).

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78. Rubin, Abortion, 95–98.

79. Rubin, Abortion, 145.

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84. 492 U.S. 490 (1989).

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86. Dodson and Burnbauer suggest that Democrats are now able to present a fairly unified front on abortion because “pro-life voters who care passionately about the issue have already defected to the Republican party.” Dodson and Burnbauer, Election 1989, 86.

87. 6 Cranch 87 (1810).

88. Magrath, C. Peter, Vazoo: Law and Politics in the Xew Republic: The Cases of Fletcher v. Peck (New York: W.W. Norton, 1966), 58Google Scholar; Eggert, Gerald G., “Richard Olney and the Income Tax Cases,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 48 (1961): 26Google Scholar.

89. Maltz, Earl M., Civil Rights, the Constitution, and Congress, 1863–1869 (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 1990), 69Google Scholar. The judiciary was never given the opportunity to make civil rights policy because President Johnson vetoed the Civil Rights Act of 1866. Congressional proponents of civil rights, fortified by the election of 1866, responded by passing the Fourteenth Amendment.

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91. Cong. Rec. (June 26, 1894): 6814.

92. Morgan, Congress and the Constitution, 122–39, 154, 156.

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115. Craig, Chadha, 103.

116. 424 U.S. 1 (1976).

117. 478 U.S. 714 (1986).

118. Lynch v. Household Finance Corp. 405 U.S. 538, 552 (1972).

119. See Brest, “Who Decides?”

120. See Murphy and Tannenhaus, ”Publicity, Public Opinion and the Court,” 993.

121. Fisher, Constitutional Dialogues, 10 (quoting Chief Justice Earl Warren).

122. 372 U.S. 335 (1963).

123. Of course, the Buckley decision has had major indirect effects on voting choices by significantly affecting the campaign finance options open to different political entrepreneurs.

124. Taylor Branch's description of Republican and Democratic party efforts during the 1960 national election to woo black voters without antagonizing Southern whites offers an excellent illustration of the relatively similar civil rights programs of both major parties at the time. Branch, Taylor, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954–63 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988), 312–313Google Scholar.

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126. 298 U.S. 234 (1936).

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128. Lawrence, Susan E., The Poor in Court: The Legal Services Program and Supreme Court Decision Making (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

129. Schattschneider, The Semisovereign People, 76–94; Lunch, William M., The Nationalization of American Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

130. Lunch, The Nationalization of American Politics, 133.

131. For New Jersey and Virginia, see Dodson and Burnbauer, Election 1989.

132. Bickel, The Least Dangerous Branch, 16.

133. Ackerman, Bruce, We The People: Foundations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991)Google Scholar. The canonical works in the substantive rights, originalist, and democratic process schools of constitutional thought are, respectively, Dworkin, Ronald, A Matter of Principle (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985)Google Scholar; Bork, Robert H., The Tempting of America: The Political Seduction of the Law (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990)Google Scholar, and Ely, John Hart, Democracy and Distrust: A Theory of Judicial Review (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980)Google Scholar.

134. The Marshall Court's efforts in the early 1830s to protect the rights of Native Americans may be another example of a truly countermajoritarian ruling. See Cherokee Nationv. Georgia, 5 Peters 1 (1831).

Many Supreme Court decisions can be described as countermajoritarian in the sense that they declare policies unconstitutional that are favored by most Americans. The Supreme Court's school-prayer and flag-burning decisions come to mind. For reasons that need further elaboration, however, these rulings did not strike down policies preferred by clear majorities of the people's elected representatives, the democratic standard normally used by persons concerned with the countermajoritarian problem. See Bickel, The Least Dangerous Branch, 16 (quoted above). Of course, decisions inconsistent with populist conceptions of democracy also present significant theoretical problems that will be explored in future work.

135. Of course, judicial review may be legitimate even when inconsistent with basic features of democratic governance. Walter Murphy and others have consistently reminded scholars that the United States is not a pure, but a constitutional democracy committed to protecting certain values against democratic majorities. See, e.g., Murphy, Fleming, and Harris, 1986, 23–33. Whether judicial review in practice actually advances the values of constitutional democracy, however, is a question with empirical components that members of this school of thought do not fully address.