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20. “Major Medical Plans,” Business Week, May 21, 1960, p. 200; “A Workable Approach to Medical Care,” Business Week, February 18, 1961, p. 136; Rowen, Hobart, The Free Enterprisers: Kennedy, Johnson and the Business Establishment (New York: Putnam, 1964)Google Scholar.

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22. David T. Bazelon, “Big Business and the Democrats,” Commentary (May 1965): 39; Harold B. Meyers, “L.B.J.’s Romance with Business,” Fortune (September 1964): 39, 130, 230. See also Richard J. Barber, “The New Partnership: Big Government and Big Business,” New Republic (August 13, 1966): 17–22; Eileen Shanahan, “Business Still Sold on Johnson,” New York Times, May 22, 1966; James Reston, The Big Business Progressives,” New York Times, October 12, 1966.

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26. Peter Corning, Interview with John W. Byrnes, 1967, Social Security Administration Project, Columbia University Oral History Research Office. I cite this interview as a critical piece of evidence in Swenson, Peter A., “B is for Byrnes and Business: An Untold Story about Medicare,” Clio: Newsletter of Politics and History 16, issue 2 (Spring-Summer 2006): 40Google Scholar. Broockman criticizes that article extensively, but fails to bring up Byrnes's view and justify dismissing its importance. Broockman, “Problem of Preferences.”

27. Draft of Statement of Walter P. Reuther, President, UAW before the Committee on Ways and Means, U.S. House of Representatives, UAW SSD, Series I, box 2, 1962–1965; “UAW Experience with Retiree Health Insurance,” UAW SSD, Series I, box 1, Health-Insurance Industry Alternatives; Employee Health and Benefit Committee, NAM, “On the Horizon: Medical Care Protection for Retired Employees,” UAW SSD, Series I, box 1, Insurance and Business Views.

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29. U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on Ways and Means, Medical Care for the Aged, Part 2 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1964), 905.

30. Mel Glasser and Chuck Monroe, “Potential Big 3 Savings with Medicare,” July 27, 1964, UAW SSD, Series I, box 2, Health Care Proposals, 1964 Medicare Savings.

31. Conversations with business historian Sanford Jacoby and Lucas Clawson, reference archivist, Hagley Museum and Library, Wilmington, DE.

32. James Brindle to Harry Becker, November 20, 1961, UAW SSD, Series II, box 1, National Blue Cross General Correspondence.

33. Harry Becker, director, Program Planning to James Brindle, director, Social Security Department, UAW, October 25, 1961, UAW SSD, Series II, box 1, National Blue Cross General Correspondence; “Blue Cross Loses on Retirees,” newspaper clipping, no date, UAW SSD, Series II, box 1, Blue Cross—Aged; MacIntyre, Duncan M., Voluntary Health Insurance and Rate Making (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1962), 240–45Google Scholar, notes 55 and 57.

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38. Hall, Cooperative Lobbying, 154–55, 223–31.

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40. Peter A. Corning, “The Evolution of Medicare” (Social Security Administration, Office of Research and Statistics, Research Report No. 29, Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, 1969); Hall, Cooperative Lobbying, 245.

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47. “The NAM and the JBS,” 74. Only after passage of Medicare and the civil rights and voting rights acts in 1965 did the NAM show a new face by, for example, actively promoting desegregation in hiring practices. Delton, Jennifer, Racial Integration and Corporate America, 1940–1990 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009)Google Scholar; Soffer, “The National Association of Manufacturers,” 784, 787.

48. Feary to Byrnes, February 22, 1965, John W. Byrnes papers, University of Wisconsin, Wisconsin Historical Society, Green Bay, Wisconsin. Broockman mistakenly claims that Feary represented the NAM's official position, and strangely calls Byrnes a “longtime ally” of the NAM without citing evidence of that. Broockman, “Problem of Preferences,” 12. Byrnes would have found the NAM's Birchite streak repugnant. Corning, “Interview with John W. Byrnes,” 29. See also Richard Wilbur (who served under Byrnes as minority counsel for the House Ways and Means Committee), “John W. Byrnes’ Role in Medicare, FAP and Other Major Legislation, 1965–1972,” (unpublished manuscript, January 29, 2014), available from me on request.

49. Prial, “A ‘New’ NAM?”

50. Cleveland, “NAM: Spokesman for Industry?” 359–66; Gable, “NAM: Influential Lobby or Kiss of Death?” especially 258.

51. Soffer, “The National Association of Manufacturers,” 784–85; Prial, “A ‘New’ NAM?”

52. National Association of Manufacturers, Eastern Division, “Results of NAM Survey of Business Opinion on Labor's Legislative Goals,” Public Affairs Report, January 27, 1965, NAM Papers, Series I, box 49, Public Affairs Department, Public Affairs Reporter, 1965, Hagley Museum and Library (digital copy available from me); Broockman, “Problem of Preferences,” 11.

53. Social Security, 1179–81.

54. Medical Care for the Aged: Hearings before the House Committee on Ways and Means, 88th Congress, 1964, pp. 903, 1694, 1995, 2462; U. S. Senate, Committee on Finance, Social Security, 1079, 1122.

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58. Waiters’ gratuities, according to the House bill, had to be reported for calculating restaurants’ payroll tax liability. The restaurateurs objected, saying tips were separate transactions between customers and waiters. “Testimony of Thomas W. Power,” National Restaurant Association, Medical Care for the Aged, 1679–85.

59. Austin Smith, MD, to Wilbur Mills, December 17, 1963, Medical Care for the Aged, 2382–84; Tobell, Dominique A., “Pharmaceutical Politics and Regulatory Reform in Postwar America,” in What's Good for Business: Business and American Politics since World War II, ed. Phillips-Fein, Kim and Zelizer, Julian E. (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2012), 129Google Scholar; Social Security, 749–76. For other drug company statements see also 1060–61, 1103–104, and 1175–76.

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64. Forbes, “The NAM Would Do Better Dead”; Prial, “A ‘New’ NAM?”

65. Rowen, The Free Enterprisers, 125; Hall, Cooperative Lobbying, 226–28.

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97. Among other worrisome things for insurers was the fact that the Senate Finance Committee bill, soon to be voted on, foresaw inadequate subsidies for low income people to help them obey the individual mandate, and weak penalties for not doing so. Laundering their opposition money through the Chamber was consistent with a strategy to pressure for improvements, not evidence of a desire to block any and all reform. Ceci Connolly, “Insurance Group Says Health Bill Will Mean Higher Premiums,” Washington Post, October 12, 2009; Peter H. Stone, “Health Insurers Funded Chamber Attack Ads,” National Journal, January 12, 2010.

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