1. Andrew Jackson to William Henry Harrison, Nov. 28, 1811, in The Papers of Andrew Jackson, ed. Moser, Harold D. and MacPherson, Sharon, vol. 2, 1804-1813 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1984)Google Scholar, 270 (hereafter PAJ); Jackson to Willie Blount, Jan. 25, 1812, in PAJ, 2:277 and 277–79; Parton, James, Life of Andrew Jackson (New York, 1861)Google Scholar, 1:349-60; “Narrative of a Trip made by Gen. Andrew Jackson in the winter of 1811 from Nashville Tenn. to Natchez, Mississippi Territory,” [1843?], in Passports of Southeastern Pioneers, 1770–1823, ed. Potter, Dorothy Williams (Baltimore, MD: Gateway Press, 1982), 80.Google Scholar

2. Jackson to Rachel Jackson, Dec. 17, 1811, in PAJ, 2:273; Jackson to George W. Campbell, Oct. 15, 1812, in Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, ed. Basset, John Spencer (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institute of Washington, 1926)Google Scholar, 1:236–37; Tilley, Bette B., “The Jackson-Dinsmoor Duel: A Paradox in a Minor Key,” Journal of Mississippi History 39 (May 1977): 117–32Google Scholar; “Passports Through Indian Country,” Niles' Weekly Register (Baltimore), April 12, 1828, 110–13 (hereafter NWR). Jackson's involvement in the slave trade has long been a source of controversy. He was not a professional trader, of the kind that arose around 1830, but his own papers indicate that he bought and acquired slaves with every intention of selling them. See [Andrew Jackson] to an Arbitrator, Feb. 29, 1812, in PAJ, 2:286–90; and Gudmested, Robert H., A Troublesome Commerce: The Transformation of the Interstate Slave Trade (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2003).Google Scholar

3. Exceptions include Heidler, David S. and Heidler, Jeanne T., Old Hickory's War: Andrew Jackson and the Quest for Empire (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Booraem, Hendrik, Young Hickory: The Making of Andrew Jackson (Lanham, MD: Taylor Trade Publishing, 2001)Google Scholar; and also Abernathy, Thomas Perkins, From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee: A Study in Frontier Democracy (1932; rev. ed., Birmingham: University of Alabama, 1967)Google Scholar. Leading biographies include Burstein, Andrew, The Passions of Andrew Jackson (New York: Vintage, 2004)Google Scholar; Curtis, James C., Andrew Jackson and the Search for Vindication (Boston: Little, Brown, 1967)Google Scholar; Meacham, Jon, American Lion: Andrew Jackson in the White House (New York: Random House, 2009)Google Scholar; and Brands, H.W., Andrew Jackson: His Life and Times (New York: Anchor, 2006).Google Scholar

4. Rockman, Seth, “Jacksonian America,” in American History Now, ed. Foner, Eric and McGerr, Lisa (Philadelphia: Temple University Press 2011), 54–76Google Scholar. Among recent surveys are Howe, Daniel Walker, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815–1846 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007)Google Scholar, which is skeptical of Jackson's democratic credentials, and Wilentz, Sean, The Rise of American Democracy: From Jefferson to Lincoln (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 2005)Google Scholar, which is far more sympathetic. Other vital studies include Feller, Daniel, The Jacksonian Promise: America, 1815 to 1840 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995)Google Scholar, Skowronek, Stephen, The Politics Presidents Make: Leadership from John Adams to Bill Clinton (1995; rev. edition, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), 129–96Google Scholar; Watson, Harry, Liberty and Power: The Politics of Jacksonian America (New York: Hill and Wang, 1990)Google Scholar. Robert V. Remini is the most prolific Jackson scholar of the past generation. See especially The Life of Andrew Jackson (New York: Harper Perennial Modern Classics, 2010)Google Scholar and Andrew Jackson and His Indian Wars (New York: Penguin, 2002).Google Scholar

5. James Robertson to Esteban Miró, Sept. 2, 1789, in Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1945: Spain in the Mississippi Valley, 1765–1794: Translations of Materials from the Spanish Archives in the Bancroft Library, ed. Kinnaird, Lawrence (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1946)Google Scholar, 3:279; Stagg, J.C.A, Borderlines in Borderlands: James Madison and the Spanish-American Frontier, 1776–1821 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), 13–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lewis, James E. Jr., The American Union and the Problem of Neighborhood: The United States and the Collapse of the Spanish Empire, 1783–1829 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998)Google Scholar; Abernathy, From Frontier to Plantation; Van Every, Dale, Ark of Empire: The American Frontier, 1784–1803 (New York: Morrow, 1963), 81–84Google Scholar; Folmsbee, Stephen J., Corlew, Robert E., and Mitchell, Enoch L., Tennessee: A Short History (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1969), 79–97.Google Scholar

6. Carlos de Grand-Pré to Esteban Miró, May 16, 1782, in Spain in the Mississippi Valley, ed. Kinnaird, 3:16; Din, Gilbert C., “Spain's Immigration Policy in Louisiana and the American Penetration, 1792–1803,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 76 (Jan. 1973): 255–76Google Scholar; Wood, Gordon S., Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 620–58Google Scholar; Taylor, Alan, The Civil War of 1812: American Citizens, British Subjects, Irish Rebels, and Indian Allies (New York: Vintage, 2010), 45–72Google Scholar. Relevant treatments of the Law of Nations include Onuf, Peter and Onuf, Nicholas, Federal Union, Modern World: The Law of Nations in an Age of Revolution, 1776–1814 (Madison, WI: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1993)Google Scholar; Hendrickson, David, Peace Pact: The Lost World of the American Founding (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1993)Google Scholar; Lang, Daniel George, Foreign Policy in the Early Republic: The Law of Nations and the Balance of Power (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1985)Google Scholar; and Armitage, David, “The Declaration of Independence and International Law,” William and Mary Quarterly 59 (Jan. 2002): 39–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I know of no precise census of American-born settlers in Spanish Louisiana. My estimate is based on Weber, Donald J., The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992)Google Scholar, 281, who cites a jump in population in Louisiana of 25,000 (20,000 to 45,000) from 1782 to 1792. This increase was almost entirely due to immigration, but it is difficult to ascertain the national origins of the migrants, because those origins were not only in rapid flux but also characterized differently by the various officials who kept records. Nonetheless, most almost certainly came from the southern colonies/states of the new Republic. For example, officials in Natchez reported that 143 of the 195 new arrivals there from 1793 to 1795 (73.3%) were Americans, counting those from Kentucky and Ft. Pitt. In Nogales, a list of origins reported that 313 of 466 new arrivals (67.2%) were Americans. See Feldman, Lawrence H., Anglo-Americans in Spanish Archives: Lists of Angl0-American Settlers in the Spanish Colonies of America: A Finding Aid (Baltimore, MD: Genealogical Publishing, 1991), 205–17Google Scholar and 218–29.

7. Both Pennsylvania and Vermont specifically recognized the “natural inherent right to emigrate” and to settle new states “in vacant countries.” See “A Declaration of the Rights of the Inhabitants of the Commonwealth or State of Pennsylvania,” Constitution of Pennsylvania, 28 September 1776, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/pa08.asp (accessed 19 June 2011); “A Declaration of the Rights of the Inhabitants of the State of Vermont,” Constitution of Vermont, 8 July 1777, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/vt01.asp (accessed 19 June 2011). On the governments of colonial Carolina and Georgia, see Klein, Rachel, Unification of a Slave State: The Rise of the Planter Class in the South Carolina Backcountry, 1760–1808 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990)Google Scholar; and Einhorn, Robin, American Slavery, American Taxation (Chicago, 2005), 79–81Google Scholar, 216–19. The records of a North Carolina land office in operation from 1783 to 1784 show how government officials monopolized the best titles. See State Agency Records: Secretary of State, Original Land Entries, Western Lands, 1783–1784, North Carolina State Archives, Raleigh, NC. (My thanks to Melissa Gismondi for her excellent work with this massive source.) See also Hitz, Alex M., “Georgia Bounty Land Grants,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 38 (Dec. 1954): 337–48Google Scholar; and, for the Spanish and Canadian alternatives, Arena, C. Richard, “Land Settlement Policies and Practices in Spanish Louisiana,” in The Spanish in the Mississippi Valley, 1762–1804, ed. McDermott, John Francis (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1974), 51–63Google Scholar; and Taylor, Civil War of 1812, 45–72.

8. Curtis, Andrew Jackson and the Search for Vindication; Anderson, Fred and Cayton, Andrew, The Dominion of War: Empire and Liberty in North America, 1500–2000 (New York: Viking Press, 2005), 207–46Google Scholar; Opal, J.M., Beyond the Farm: National Ambitions in Rural New England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 38, 80 (on lawyers).

9. Remini, Robert V., “Andrew Jackson Takes an Oath of Allegiance to Spain,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 54 (Spring 1995): 2–15Google Scholar; “Schedule of the Whole Number of Persons in the Territory of the United States of America, South of the River Ohio,” in William Blount to Timothy Pickering, Sept. 19, 1791, in The Territorial Papers of the United States, ed. Clarence Edwin Carter, vol. 4, The Territory South of the River Ohio, 1790–1796 (Washington, DC, 1937), 81 (hereafter TPUS). Davidson County, including Nashville, had 639 white adult men and 659 slaves; in the poor area south of the French Broad River, in east Tennessee, 681 adult white men owned just 163 slaves.

10. Blount, quoted in Folmsbee, Stanley J., Corlew, Robert E., and Mitchell, Enoch L., Tennessee: A Short History (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1969)Google Scholar, 99; McDavitt, J.C., A Brief Sketch of the Overton Family and the John Rice Grant (Memphis, p.p., 1904)Google Scholar; “List of Taxable Property, ca. 1792–97”, in PAJ, ed. Smith, Sam B. and Owsley, Harriet Chappell, vol. 1, 1770–1803 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1980)Google Scholar, 34; [?] Clark to John Overton, Oct. 18, 1797, Box 4, John Overton Papers, 1766–1833, Murdock Collection, 1780–1851, Tennessee State Library and Archives, Nashville (hereafter TSLA); Abernathy, From Frontier to Plantation.

11. Andrew Ellicott to Timothy Pickering, Sept. 24, 1797, in TPUS, ed. Carter, Clarence Edwin, vol. 5, The Territory of Mississippi, 1798–1817 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1937)Google Scholar, 4; Cayton, Andrew R.L., “When Shall We Cease to Have Judases?: The Blount Conspiracy and the Limits of the ‘Extended Republic,’” in Launching the ‘Extended Republic’: The Federalist Era, ed. Hoffman, Ronald and Albert, Peter J. (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1996), 156–89.Google Scholar

12. “Treaty with the Creeks, 1790”and “Treaty with the Cherokee, 1791,” in Indian Treaties, 1778-1883, ed. Kappler, Charles J. (New York: Interland Publishing, 1973)Google Scholar, 28 (“sole commissioner”), 26 (“distinct and well known”), 27 and 30 (punishment); for full treaties see 25–29 and 29–33; Cumfer, Cynthia, “Local Origins of National Indian Policy: Cherokee and Tennessean Ideas about Sovereignty and Nationhood, 1790–1811,” Journal of the Early Republic 23 (Spring 2003): 30–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 40–41; Nichols, David Andrew, Red Gentlemen and White Savages: Indians, Federalists, and the Search for Order on the American Frontier (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008)Google Scholar; Cotterill, R.S., “Federal Indian Management in the South, 1789–1825,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 20 (Dec. 1933): 333–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13. Henry Knox to George Washington, July 7, 1789, in The Papers of George Washington: Presidential Series, ed. Abbot, W.W., vol. 3, June-September 1789 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1989), 138 and 134–41Google Scholar; “An Act to Regulate Trade and Intercourse with the Indian Tribes” 22 July 1790, at http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/na024.asp (accessed 19 June 2011); “An Act to Regulate Trade and Intercourse with the Indian Tribes, and to Preserve Peace on the Frontiers,” 19 May 1796 at http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/na030.asp (accessed 19 June 2011). On passports: Salter, Mark B., Rights of Passage: The Passport in International Relations (Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner Publishers, 2003)Google Scholar; Fahrmeir, Andreas, “Governments and Forgers: Passports in 19^th Century Europe,” in Documenting International Identity: The Development of State Practice in the Modern World, ed. Caplan, Jane and Torpey, John (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), 218–34.Google Scholar

14. Ellicott to Pickering, Sept. 24, 1797, in TPUS, ed. Carter, 5:7; Tilley, “The Jackson-Dinsmoor Duel”; Cletus Francis Joseph Fortwendel, Jr., “Federal Agent Silas Dinsmoor and the Cherokee: A Study in Frontier Policies, Politics, and Personalities” (M.A. Thesis, Western Carolina University, 1996). On Federalist nationalism, see Furstenburg, François, In the Name of the Father: Washington's Legacy, Slavery, and the Making of a Nation (New York: Penguin Press, 2006), 34–44Google Scholar, 52–53. On the protection covenant, consult Bushman, Richard, King and People in Provincial Massachusetts (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992).Google Scholar

15. Andrew Jackson to John Sevier, Feb. 24, 1797, in PAJ, 1:126; John Sevier to AJ, Jan. 26, 1797, PAJ, 1:120–21; Zachariah Cox to Andrew Jackson, April 27, 1797, PAJ, 1:131–32. On the 1797 border dispute, see James Winchester to John Sevier, July 16, 1797, Box 2, James Winchester Papers, 1787–1953, TSLA.

16. “Presentments of the Grand Jury of Adams County,” June 6, 1799, in TPUS, 5:65 and 63–66; I took the names of petitioners from “Petition to Congress by Committee of Inhabitants,” October 2, 1799, and “Presentments of the Grand Jury of Pickering County,” June 17, 1799, in TPUS, 5:83–85 and 5:66–68 (both of which explicitly mention the prohibition of slave importation) and matched them with Feldman, Anglo-Americans in Spanish Archives, 101–218. In his 1797 appraisal of the Illinois country for John Overton, one surveyor reportedthat “All [the settlers] who had Negroes have gone to the Spanish side.” See [?] Clark to John Overton, Oct. 18 1797, Box 4, Overton Papers, TSLA. For much larger petitions that never mention slavery, see “Memorial of Inhabitants of the Territory to the Land Commissioners,” [1810?], in TPUS, ed. Carter, vol. 14, Territory of Louisiana-Missouri, 1806–1814 (Washington, DC, 1949)Google Scholar, 383, 382-97; “Memorial to Congress by Citizens of the Territory,” Dec. 6, 1800, in TPUS, 5:110–17; “Petition to Congress by Citizens of the Territory,” August 25, 1802, in TPUS, 5:159–74.

17. Waldstreicher, David, Slavery's Constitution: From Revolution to Ratification (New York: Hill & Wang, 2009)Google Scholar; Hochschild, Adam, Bury the Chains: Prophets and Rebels in the Fight to Free an Empire's Slaves (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2005), 48–50Google Scholar; Wise, Steven M., Though the Heavens May Fall: The Landmark Trial that Led to the End of Human Slavery (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005).Google Scholar

18. John Overton to Andrew Jackson, March 8, 1795, in PAJ, ed. Smith and Owsley, 1:54; The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States…Fifth Congress, May 15, 1797 to March 3, 1799 (Washington, 1851)Google Scholar, 1306, 1311, 1307–9; Wilentz, Rise of American Democracy, 844.

19. Bouton, Terry, Taming Democracy: The People, “The Founders,” and the Troubled Ending of the American Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007)Google Scholar; Taylor, Alan, Liberty Men and Great Proprietors: The Revolutionary Settlement on the Maine Frontier, 1760–1820 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Banner, Stuart, How the Indians Lost Their Land: Law and Power on the Frontier (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), 112–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

20. “The Inhabitants of Record between the Years 1770 and 1790, in the Cumberland Settlements of Washington County, North Carolina, Known After April 14, 1783, as Davidson County, North Carolina,” in Fulcher, Robert Carlton, comp., 1770–1790 Census of the Cumberland Settlements (Baltimore, 1987), 24, 1–135Google Scholar; Arnow, Harriet Simpson, Seedtime on the Cumberland (New York: MacMillan, 1960), 20–21.Google Scholar

21. William Blount to Henry Knox, Sept. 11, 1792, in TPUS, 4:168; Hämäläinen, Pekka, “The Rise and Fall of Plains Indian Horse Culture,” Journal of American History 90 (Dec. 2003): 833–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For examples of raids, see William Blount to Secretary Smith, April 27, 1792, in TPUS, 4:144 (in which a retaliatory party of whites fired on a group of Indians who “did not happen to be the same that took the Horses”); and “Knoxville,” Knoxville Gazette, July 13, 1793 (in which a large party of sixty whites opened fire on a group of men and women, probably not a war party, killing fifteen Indian men and one Indian woman and taking four female prisoners). No doubt many revenge parties simply came home after finding no one to attack; see, for example, Knoxville Gazette, “Knoxville,” April 21, 1792 (hereafter KG).

22. “A Return of Persons Killed, Wounded, and Taken Prisoner, from Miro District, since the 1^st of January, 1791,” in American State Papers: Indian Affairs (Washington, DC, 1832), 1:329–32Google Scholar; “A List of the Names of Persons Killed, Murdered, and Captured since the 26^th of February 1794” in KG, Oct. 11, 1794; KG, June 15, 1793 (notice of May attack on boat co-owned by Jackson).

23. Biographical Sketch [1860?], 7, Joseph Brown Papers, TSLA; William Hall Memoir [1853], 19, TSLA; William Blount to Henry Knox, April 11, 1793, in TPUS, 4:251.

24. Blount to Knox, May 5, 1792, in TPUS, 4:149; George Washington to Henry Knox, Aug. 5, 1792, in Papers of George Washington: Presidential Series, ed. Haggard, Robert F. and Mastromarino, Mark M., vol. 10, March-August 1792 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2002)Google Scholar, 614. See also [Washington], “Extracts of Correspondence on Indian Affairs, [October 1792],” in Papers of George Washington: Presidential Series, ed. Patrick, Christine Sternberg, vol. 11, August 1792–January 1793 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2002), 291–316Google Scholar; Nichols, Red Gentlemen and White Savages.

25. Blount to James Robertson, 1791 [two letters, no more specific date], Box 1, James Robertson Papers, 1784–1814, TSLA; Blount to Knox, Jan. 14, 1793, in TPUS, 4:232 (“killed or robbed”); Blount to Knox, May 28, 1793, in TPUS, 4:264 (“my situation”); Blount to Knox, May 5, 1792, in TPUS, 4:149 (passports).

26. “Knoxville,” KG, Sept. 14, 1793; Arnow, Seedtime on the Cumberland, 335, 335n.

27. Blount to Knox, Jan. 14, 1793, in TPUS, 4:228–34.

28. “Knoxville,” KG, Dec. 19, 1793; see also “Knoxville,” and “From a Savannah Paper,” KG, Dec. 29, 1792.

29. “[To] Mr. Roulston,” KG, August 13, 1793. This article directly responded to a defense of civil society and treaty obligation: “For the Knoxville Gazette,” KG, July 13, 1793.

30. “Grand Jury of Georgia District,” KG, July 27, 1793; “Address of the Grand Inquest of the District of Hamilton,” KG, Nov. 23, 1793; Silver, Peter, Our Savage Neighbors: How Indian War Transformed Early America (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 2008).Google Scholar

31. Andrew Jackson to John McKee, Jan. 30, 1793, in PAJ, 1:40 (corrections made to AJ's scribbled writing); Andrew Jackson to John McKee, May 16, 1794, in PAJ, 1:48.

32. William Blount to James Robertson, April 14, 1793, James Robertson Papers, 1784–1814, TSLA; Blount to Robertson, Nov. 29, 1793, TSLA; “Memorial of Legislative Council and House of Representatives, to the Congress of the United States,” Sept. 18, 1794, in Journal of the Proceedings of the Legislative Council of the Territory of the USA (Nashville, 1852), 22–25Google Scholar; “A Return of Persons Killed, Wounded, and Taken Prisoner, from Miro District,” in American State Papers: Indian Affairs, 1:329–32; “Captivity of Jane Brown and her Family,” 151–56; John Haywood, The Civil and Political History of the State of Tennessee (1823; Knoxville, 1969), 405–12.

33. “Conference Held at Tellico Blockhouse, 7–8 November 1794,” Box 2, James Robertson Papers, 1784–1812, TSLA; “Proceedings with the Cherokee, Tellico Blockhouse, December-January 1794–95,” TSLA. The recovery of slaves may well have been a factor in the attack itself, given that one of its major organizers, James Logan of Kentucky, had lost five slaves.

34. Andrew Jackson to Nathaniel Macon, Oct. 4, 1795, in PAJ, 1:74; John Overton to Andrew Jackson, Dec. 20, 1796, in PAJ, 1:106 (Overton's investments); Cayton, “When Shall we Cease to Have Judases?”

35. Henry Dearborn to William C.C. Claiborne, Dec. 6, 1802, in The Official Letterbooks of William C.C. Claiborne, 1801–1816, ed. Rowland, Dunbar (Jackson, MS: State Department of Archives and History, 1917)Google Scholar, 1:258; [Jefferson], “To the Brothers of the Choctaw Nation,” Dec. 17, 1803, The Avalon Project, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/jeffind3.asp (accessed 9 April 2013); Thomas Jefferson to Meriwether Lewis, Aug. 21, 1808, in TPUS, ed. Carter, Clarence Edwin, vol. 14, Territory of Louisiana-Missouri 1806–1814 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1949)Google Scholar, 220; Cotterill, “Federal Indian Management in the South.” See, more generally, Murrin, John M., “The Jeffersonian Triumph and American Exceptionalism,” Journal of the Early Republic 20 (Spring 2000): 1–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Rothman, Adam, Slave Country: American Expansion and the Origins of the Deep South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007).Google Scholar

36. Bryan, Mary G., “Passports Issued by Governors of Georgia, 1785 to 1809,” Special Collections of the National Genealogical Society, 28 (1964), 7, 20–21Google Scholar. On Jefferson's ideas of natural rights and American nationhood, see Onuf, Peter, Jefferson's Empire: The Language of American Nationalism (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Steele, Brian, Thomas Jefferson and American Nationhood (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Neem, Johann N., “Developing Freedom: Thomas Jefferson, the State, and Human Capacity,” Studies in American Political Development 27 (April 2013): 36–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On volitional citizenship and the right of expatriation, consult Taylor, Civil War of 1812, 4–9, 101–3. According to an index of passports assembled by Bryan, Georgia governors granted 1,853 individuals a passport in these years, the great bulk of whom moved between 1801 and 1811. Some of these individuals received a passport on more than one occasion, and the great majority of them came with other people, none of whom were named in the passports—their wives, children, and, later, their slaves. From November 5, 1800, to November 1, 1802, only four of sixty-three passports issued mentioned “negroes,” although they dutifully enumerated wives and children. From April 15, 1805 to January 27, 1808, none of the fifty-nine passports issued mentioned slaves. See Bryan, “Passports Issued by Governors,” 32–50. As governor of the Louisiana Territory, William C.C. Claiborne and his clerk were constantly filling in and signing the passports they received from the Department of State. They charged a fee of $1 for applicants. See Claiborne to James Madison, May 24, 1804, in Official Letter Books of W.C.C. Claiborne, ed. Rowland, 2:165; as well as Claiborne to Madison, June 22, 1804, 2:216-17; and Claiborne to R. Claiborne, May 31, 1806, 3:321.

37. “Journal of the Proceedings of a Convention Begun and Held at Knoxville, January 11, 1796,” in Journal of the Proceedings of the Legislative Council of the Territory of the United States of America, South of the River Ohio, Begun and Held at Knoxville, the 25^th Day of August, 1794 (Nashville, 1852), pp. 8–9; Thomas Overton to John Overton, 24 April 1802, Box 3, Overton Papers, TSLA; Abernathy, From Frontier to Plantation.

38. Andrew Jackson to Willie Blount, Jan. 25, 1812, in PAJ, 2:277; Andrew Jackson Account Book Collection, 1804–1806, TSLA. For evidence of the Spanish checking passports and passes on the Mississippi, see Nasatir, Abraham P., Spanish War Vessels on the Mississippi, 1792–1796 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968)Google Scholar, 206. On the Burr conspiracy, see Isenberg, Nancy, Fallen Founder: The Life of Aaron Burr (London: Viking, 2007), 271–366.Google Scholar

39. Andrew Jackson to Rachel Jackson, April 6, 1804, in PAJ, 2:13; “Advertisement for Runaway Slave,” [Sept. 26, 1804], in PAJ, 2:40–41; Hay, Robert P., “‘And Ten Dollars Extra, for Every Hundred Lashes Any Person Will Give Him, to the Amount of Three Hundred’: A Note on Andrew Jackson's Runaway Slave Ad of 1804 and on the Historian's Use of Evidence,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 36 (Winter 1977): 468–78Google Scholar; Hadden, Sally E., Slave Patrols: Law and Violence in Virginia and the Carolinas (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press), 2003.Google Scholar

40. Bryan, “Passports Issued by Governors of Georgia,” 50–93; Hudson, Angela Pulley, Creek Paths and Federal Roads: Indians, Settlers, and Slaves and the Making of the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

41. Silas Dinsmoor to Secretary of War [William Eustis], Nov. 13, 1811 (25 of 212 stopped) and Sept. 27, 1812 (“evil”) in “Passports Through Indian Country,” NWR, April 12, 1828, 110 and 111; Tilley, “The Jackson-Dinsmoor Duel”; Fortwendel, “Federal Agent Silas Dinsmoor and the Cherokee.”

42. Andrew Jackson to Willie Blount, Jan. 25, 1812, in PAJ, 2:278. In this letter, Jackson says that he did find some buyers for the slaves he had picked up, but that when he applied for a permit to sell the slaves within the Choctaw nation, the sitting governor refused. Jackson took this as proof of a “combination to compel me to take a passport.”

43. Passports for Labon Cason and William Ivy, in Bryan, “Passports Issued by Governors of Georgia,” 5 (these were signed on the same day, Sept. 12, 1803, and made out by the same four officials); [Enclosure], William Eustis to Silas Dinsmoor, March 23, 1812, in PAJ, 2:296. The absence of general complaints in the hundreds of legislative petitions to the Tennessee Assembly is especially noteworthy, given that they touch on a vast range of issues and grievances. See Tennessee Legislative Petitions, 1799–1801, and Tennessee Legislative Petitions, 1805–12, TSLA. On nuisances and public safety in early American legal thought, see Novak, William J., The People's Welfare: Law and Regulation in Nineteenth-Century America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996).Google Scholar

44. Kanon, Tom, “The Kidnapping of Martha Crowley and Settler-Indian Relations Prior to the War of 1812,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 64 (Spring 2005): 3–23Google Scholar; Hudson, Creek Paths and Federal Roads; Heidler and Heidler, Old Hickory's War.

45. Andrew Jackson to Willie Blount, Jan. 25, 1812, in PAJ, 2:279; [AJ], Resolutions of Second Division Officers, Jan. 16, 1809, in PAJ, 2:208. For accusations against the British: [Review of Brackenridge, Modern Chivalry], KG, August 13, 1793; “Knoxville,” KG, April 21, 1792. Protection certificates were essentially birth certificates, which in theory prevented British naval officers from impressing their holders. See Taylor, Civil War of 1812, 100–106. Proclamations for citizens during 1811 and 1812 stressed that the Republic had shown great forbearance in the face of repeated injuries and insults. See “From the Republican Citizens of Milledgeville [Ga.]”, June 13, 1812, in The Papers of James Madison: Presidential Series, ed. J.C.A. Stagg, vol. 4, 5 November 1811–9 July 1812 (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999), 479–81; and “From the Citizens of Charleston, South Carolina,” June 27, 1812, The Papers of James Madison, 4:515–16.

46. [Andrew Jackson], Democratic Clarion, “The Massacre at the Mouth of Duck River,” July 7–8, 1812, PAJ, 2:310; Andrew Jackson, “To the Second Division,” March 7, 1812, in PAJ, 2:290.

47. “Treaty with the Creeks, 1814,” in Indian Treaties, ed. Kappler, 107 and 107–110; Heidler and Heidler, Old Hickory's War. For Jackson's negotiating tactics, see Johnson, Walter, River of Dark Dreams: Slavery and Empire in the Cotton Kingdom (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013), 25–34.Google Scholar

48. Andrew Jackson to Rachel Jackson, August 5, 1814, in PAJ, ed. Harold D. Moser, David R. Hoth, Sharon MacPherson, and John H. Reinbold, vol. 3, 1814–1815 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1991), 105; Heidler and Heidler, Old Hickory's War; Cayton, “When Shall We Cease to Have Judases?”

49. Willie Blount to Return Meigs, April 12, 1811, Box 3, George Edward Matthew Collection, TSLA; Parton, Life of Andrew Jackson, 2:391–97; Benjamin W. Crowinshield to Daniel T. Patterson, Jan. 22, 1816, in Letter from the Secretary of the Navy…Sundry Documents Relating to the Destruction of the Negro Fort in East Florida in the Month of July, 1816 (Washington, DC, 1819)Google Scholar; Patterson to Crowinshield, August 15, 1816, ibid.; “Negro Fort on Appalachicola,” NWR, Nov. 20, 1819; Barber, Eunice, Narrative of the Tragical Death of Darius Barber and his Seven Children (Boston, 1818)Google Scholar. For early complaints about Florida as a haven for runaway slaves, see Report of the Commons House of Assembly, May 16, 1749, in The Colonial Records of South Carolina: The Journal of the Commons House of Assembly, ed. J.H. Easterby (Columbia, SC, 1962), 8:105; John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Dec. 5, 1754, in Colonial Records of the State of Georgia, ed. Kenneth Coleman and Milton Ready, vol. 27, Original Papers of Governor John Reynolds, 1754–1756 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1977), 33–34.Google Scholar

50. Parton, Life of Andrew Jackson, 2:475 and 2:544 (“pirates”) and generally 2:463-88; Memoirs of General Andrew Jackson, Together with the Letters of Mr. Secretary Adams, in Vindication of the Execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, and other Public Acts of Gen. Andrew Jackson in Florida (Bridgeton, NJ, 1824)Google Scholar, 24, 36; Heidler and Heidler, Old Hickory's War. The extent to which President Monroe knew about and approved of Jackson's incursion into Florida has long been a point of debate, with the general claiming that he had received a letter authorizing aggressive measures through the intermediary of Tennessee Representative John Rea. For a recent review of the debate and a convincing argument against Monroe's approval, see Stagg, Borderlines in Borderlands, 288–89n.

51. Providence Gazette, Dec. 19, 1818; Stagg, Borderlines in Borderlands, esp. 27–31, 120–21, and 198–202. For fears of military ambition in Republican thought, see Opal, Beyond the Farm, 7–8.

52. Rep. Thomas Cobb (GA) in “Debate on the Seminole War,” NWR, Feb. 20, 1819, 113 ran this special edition to include all the debates from January and early February); Rep. Joseph Hopkinson (PA) in Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, From 1789 to 1856, ed. Benton, Thomas Hart (New York, 1858)Google Scholar, 6:290; Rep. Henry R. Storrs in Benson, ibid., 6:265; Parton, Life of Andrew Jackson, 2:532–56; Heidler, David S., “The Politics of National Aggression: Congress and the First Seminole War,” Journal of the Early Republic 13 (Winter 1993): 501–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

53. Rep. James Tallmadge (NY) in “Debate on the Seminole War,” NWR, Feb. 20, 1819, 174 (“civilized savages”); Rep. John Rhea in “Debate on the Seminole War,” NWR, Feb. 20, 1819, 183 (“supreme law”); Rep. Alexander Smyth (VA) in “Debate on the Seminole War,” NWR, Feb. 20, 1819, 142-55; [John Overton], A Vindication of the Measures of the President and His Commanding Generals, in the Commencement and Termination of the Seminole War, By a Citizen of Tennessee (Nashville, 1818?), 19, 5, 21, 21n; Tatum, Edward Howland Jr., The United States and Europe, 1815-1823: A Study in the Background of the Monroe Doctrine (New York: Russell and Russell, 1936), 226–32Google Scholar (Adams' defense). At the outset of his congressional speech, Rep. Smyth declared that his whole purpose was to show that all of Jackson's actions were “justified by the law of nations.” See “Debate on the Seminole War,” NWR, Feb. 20, 1819, 142.

54. Sen. Philip Barbour (VA) quoted in Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, ed. Benton, 8:124, 114; “Indian Fur Trade,” Annals of the 18^th Congress, 1^st Session, 432-60 and 507, in A Century of Lawmaking, at http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/amlaw/lawhome.html (accessed 25 April 2013); “Jackson's Recorded Votes in the United States Senate, 1823–25,” in PAJ, ed. Moser, Harold D., Hoth, David R., and Hoemann, George H., vol. 5, 1821–1825 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1996), 463–67.Google Scholar

55. Andrew Jackson to John McKee, May 16, 1794, in PAJ, 1:49.

56. Cornell, Saul, A Well-Regulated Militia: The Founding Fathers and the Origins of Gun Control in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 137–65.CrossRefGoogle Scholar