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13. Even a sympathetic scholar of the slaveocracy noted that the expected “disastrous effect of sudden liberation upon the whole economic life” of the South led the slave-owning class to curtail the ability of the press to discuss slavery. “Almost invariably the appeal was made to the need of safeguarding the community from the danger of servile insurrection,” and the “policy of silence which they sought to impose” was achieved first through “the silent pressure of public opinion” on publishers and later by restrictive legislation. Eaton, Clement, Freedom of Thought in the Old South (New York: Peter Smith, 1951 [1940]), 91, 162–63Google Scholar.

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129. Raynal recognized both the erection of distinct statuses and the fostering of amalgamation as tools of statecraft. “Tyrants soon discovered how far it was proper for them to separate, or connect, their subjects, in order to keep them in a state of dependence. They formed men into separate ranks by availing themselves of their prejudices: because this line of division between them became a bond of submission to the sovereign, who maintained his authority by their mutual hatred and opposition.” Alternatively, “they connected families to each other in every station, because this union totally extinguished every spark of dissension repugnant to the spirit of civil society.” Raynal, Abbé, A Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies, vol. 3 (Dublin: John Exshaw, 1776), 192–93Google Scholar.

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191. Salesa, Racial Crossings, 36.

192. Merivale, Lectures on Colonization, 180–81.

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200. A “civilizational” hierarchy, itself bearing the imprint of Scottish Enlightenment thought, allowed writers to construct some groups as more immediately compatible for amalgamation with Europeans. “New Zealand,” The Economist 3, no. 30 (July 1845): 693–94, 693.

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213. After the Indian Mutiny of 1857, Benjamin Disraeli complained that “the mutual suspicions and prejudices between rival religions and different races, which were the cause of segregation between powerful classes in that country, have of late years, in consequence of our policy, gradually disappeared, and that for them has been substituted an identity of sentiments, and those sentiments, I am sorry to say, hostile to our authority.” “Our empire in India was, indeed, founded upon the old principle of divide et impera,” and it was time to return to that method. By the last decades of the nineteenth century, English colonial policy was committed to a firm adoption of the “color line” as a tactic of rule. While the developmental consequences of “amalgamation” policies were limited, they left a legacy in the varied cultures of racial hierarchy across the empire, cultures that nonetheless “occurred within the structure of dominance” imposed by the imperial regime and white settlers. Hansard, HC, 3rd series, v. 147, 1857, c. 444, 447; 3rd series, v. 177, 1865, cc. 1573–74; Erickson, Arvel B., “Empire or Anarchy: The Jamaica Rebellion of 1865,” Journal of Negro History 44, no. 2 (1959): 99–122, 102CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sio, Arnold A., “Race, Colour, and Miscegenation: The Free Coloured of Jamaica and Barbados,” Caribbean Studies 16, no. 1 (1976): 5–21, 21Google Scholar; Lake, Marilyn and Reynolds, , Drawing the Global Colour Line: White Men's Countries and the Question of Racial Equality (Melbourne, Australia: Melbourne University, 2008), 63, 131, 226–32Google Scholar; Freeman, “Attitudes toward ‘Miscegenation,’” 46, 48–49, 54.

214. American abolitionism provided an occasion for one of the United States’ periodic panics about foreign influence in its domestic affairs. American statesmen saw in English abolition a vital threat to the interests of their own country, and President Tyler even instructed one member of Congress to accuse American antislavery activists’ of being “paid foreign agents” whose “entire antislavery enterprise, financed and directed by Great Britain, was a subversive scheme aimed at undermining the American Union.” Crapol, Edward P., John Tyler: The Accidental President (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 70–71Google Scholar; Merton L. Dillon, Slavery Attacked, 169.; Law, Anna O., “Lunatics, Idiots, Paupers, and Negro Seamen—Immigration, Federalism and the Early American State,” Studies in American Political Development 28, no. 2 (2014): 107–18, 121–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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253. J. Mitchell, “Thoughts on the Separation of the Races,” Indiana State Sentinel, December 19, 1850, 3; Journal of the House of Representatives of the State of Indiana, 36th Sess. (Indianapolis: J.P. Chapman, 1851), 1035.

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266. Combining the social and the economic, Scipio tied these social assertions to the fact that “employers often want help and cannot get it, or they are at best incessantly dismissing it and wrangling with it. The employees now and then band together in strikes for wages and they not infrequently desert the employer in a press of business.” “Revival of the Slave Trade, No. XV,” Edgefield Advertiser (SC), May 18, 1859, 1. See also, “Lyman Beecher,” The Liberator (MA), August 6, 1836, 2; “A Letter from Cassius Clay,” The Liberator (MA), March 15, 1856, 1.

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268. Still, he claimed that there should be no prohibition on interracial marriages, and justified the denial of social equality by reference to both blacks and whites. “A man proud of his purse may scorn a poor negro as he would a poor white man,” he wrote, even though “under the Constitution, in its most liberal interpretation, and admitting our cherished American doctrine of equal human rights, if a white man pleases to marry a black woman, the mere fact that she is black gives no one a right to interfere to prevent or set aside such marriage.” “About Negro Equality, Amalgamation. &c., &c.,” American Citizen (PA), August 9, 1865, 1; “Miscegenation,” New York Tribune, March 16, 1864.

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