1. For example, see Democratic Leadership Council, The Road to Realignment: The Democrats and the Perot Voters, Washington, DC, July 1, 1993.

2. The two seminal presentations of critical realignment theory are Key, V. O. Jr, “A Theory of Critical Elections,” Journal of Politics 17 (02 1955): 3–18Google Scholar; and Burnham, Walter Dean, Critical Elections and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: W. W. Norton, 1970)Google Scholar.

3. Historians and political scientists have recently become more critical of the realignment approach to the study of the historical development of parties. Some argue that the emphasis on critical elections and realigning eras has ceased to offer much explanatory power in an era when the electorate appears to be weakly associated with political parties. Others argue that the concept of realignment skews the study of the past as well; that it has led scholars to group earlier developments that are really quite distinctive. See, for example, Shafer, Byron, ed., The End of Realignment? Interpreting American Electoral Eras (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1991)Google Scholar. The authors of this volume do not identify the election of 1912 as an important historical event—one that has been largely ignored due to the celebration of realignment “theory.” But two of the contributors—Joel H. Silbey and Walter Dean Burnham—consider the Progressive Era a critical moment in the decline of party. David Mayhew once suggested that it might be useful to speak of two successive American party systems rather than five: a Jacksonian system extending from the 1830s through the first decade of the twentieth century, and a Progressive system, extending roughly from that first decade to the present. Mayhew, , “Party Systems in American History,” Polity 1 (Fall 1968): 139Google Scholar. This categorization is a bit coarse; the “Progressive system,” in our view, does not emerge all at once but develops in fits and starts over the course of the twentieth century. Still, the 1912 election is a critical event that begins a fundamental transformation of party politics in the United States.

4. Link, Arthur S. and McCormick, Richard L., Progressivism (Arlington Heights, IL: Harlan Davidson, 1983), 43–44Google Scholar.

5. Broderick, Francis L., Progressivism at Risk: Electing a President in 1912 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1989), 4–5Google Scholar.

6. Two recent books do focus on the election of 1912: Broderick, Progressivism at Risk: Electing a President in 1912; and Sarasohn, David, The Party of Reform: Democrats in the Progressive Era (Oxford: University Press of Mississippi, 1989)Google Scholar. Neither of these books, however, attends very closely to the Progressive party campaign. The only book-length treatment of the Progressive party is Gable's, JohnThe Bull Moose Years: Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Party (Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1978)Google Scholar. Gable offers a carefully researched, blow-by-blow account of the history of the Progressive party but does not provide any detailed evaluation of its legacy for politics and government in the United States.

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16. TR and those who were attracted to him were quite conscious about rethinking Hamiltonian principles. In sending Herbert Croly's The Promise of American Life to TR, the progressive jurist Learned Hand wrote: “I hope you will find in it as comprehensive and progressive a statement of American political ideas and ideals as I have found. I think that Croly has succeeded in stating more adequately than anyone else,—certainly of those writers whom I know,—the bases and perspective growth of the set of political ideas which can be fairly described as Neo-Hamiltonian, and whose promise is due more to you, as I believe, than anyone else.” Hand to Roosevelt, April 8, 1910, Learned Hand Papers, Harvard University Law School.

17. Roosevelt to Frederick Scott Oliver, August 9, 1906, in Morison, Elting E., ed., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952), vol.5, 351Google Scholar.

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23. Roosevelt, Works, vol. 17, 20.

24. The discussion of the Columbus speech owes much to Schambra, William A., “Reaffirming Constitutional Democracy: The Defect of Roosevelt's Reform Program of 1912,” Paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, 09 1987Google Scholar.

25. “A Charter of Democracy,” Address before the Ohio Constitutional Convention at Columbus, Ohio, February 21, 1912, 4–12. The Columbus speech citations are taken from the original manuscript found in the Theodore Roosevelt Collection at Harvard University. This text, from which TR actually spoke, differs slightly from the published version of the address found in Roosevelt, Works.

26. Ibid., 25–26.

27. John C. O'Lauglin to Roosevelt, March 28, 1912, Theodore Roosevelt Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress.

28. Mowry, Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Movement, 217.

29. Lodge to Roosevelt, , February 28, 1912, from The Correspondence of Roosevelt and Lodge, 1884–1914 (New York: Scribner's, 1925), 423–24Google Scholar.

30. Address of William Howard Taft, April 25, 1912, Senate Document 615 (62–2, vol. 38, 2), 3–4.

31. Hand to Mr. Whitridge, February 21, 1912, Learned Hand Papers. See also Mowry, Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Movement, 218.

32. Roosevelt to Hand, November 28, 1911, Learned Hand Papers.

33. Roosevelt, “A Charter of Democracy,” 2. See Schambra, “Reaffirming Constitutional Democracy,” 17–18.

34. Mowry, Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Movement, 213.

35. “Taft Will Answer Roosevelt Speech,” New York Times, February 23, 1912.

36. Ibid.

37. Roosevelt to Pinchot, February 15, 1912, Morrison, The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, vol. 7, 515.

38. Hiram Johnson to Theodore Roosevelt, October 20, 1911, Theodore Roosevelt Papers.

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41. “Jane Addams Relates the Steps By Which She Became a Progressive,” The Progressive Bulletin (December 28, 1912): 2.

42. In fact, many social reformers believed that there was a “need for action on an international basis” (our emphasis); see Addams, Second Twenty Years at Hull-House, 20.

43. Ibid.

44. Addams, Second Twenty Years at Hull-House, 23–24.

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49. Gifford Pinchot to Robert LaFollette, April 13, 1912, Box B72, Folder: 1912, Robert M. LaFollette, Sr. Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress.

50. “The Right of the People to Rule,” Address at Carnegie Hall, New York City, March 20, 1912, from Roosevelt, Works, vol. 17, 151. See also Gable, The Bull Moose Years, 13–14.

51. McKinley and Campbell cited in Roosevelt to Senator Joseph Dixon, March 8, 1912, Morison, The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, vol. 7, 521–524.

52. Ibid.

53. Mowry, Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Movement, 228.

54. Robert LaFollette, Autobiography, 643–44. See also Ceaser, James, Presidential Selection: Theory and Development (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979), 224–25Google Scholar.

55. Dewey, “Theodore Roosevelt,” 146.

56. Roosevelt to Joseph Moore Dixon, May 23, 1912, Morison, The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, vol. 7, 546; Mowry, Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Movement, 234–35.

57. Gable, The Bull Moose Years, 14.

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61. “Speech at Orchestra Hall,” Chicago, Illinois, June 22, 1912, typed manuscript, Theodore Roosevelt Collection.

62. Gable, The Bull Moose Years, 37. Gable provides (in chap. 2) a detailed account of the impressive organizing efforts that led up to the First National Progressive Party Convention.

63. Kellogg, “The Industrial Platform of the New Party,” 668.

64. “Labor of Women and Children,” December 3, 1906, and “Regulation of Woman and Child Labor,” December 3, 1907, in Griffith, William, ed., The Roosevelt Policy (New York:The Current Literature Publishing Company, 1919), 454–55, 684–87Google Scholar.

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67. Ibid., 810.

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72. “Hail New Party in Fervent Song,” New York Times, August 6, 1912.

73. Cited in “The New Party Gets Itself Born,” 251.

74. Cited in “Progressive Party,” Literary Digest, August 17, 1912, 246.

75. Cited in Gable, The Bull Moose Years, 39.

76. Ibid., 44.

77. “The Progressive Party,” 244.

78. Jane Addams, “Speech Seconding the Nomination of Theodore Roosevelt,” 194.

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82. Jane Addams, “Speech Seconding the Nomination of Theodore Roosevelt,” 194–95.

83. Quoted by Addams, The Second Twenty Years at Hull-House, 27.

84. “Draft of Platform with handwritten changes by TR.”

85. Roosevelt, Works, vol. 17, 268.

86. Kellogg, “The Industrial Platform of the New Party,” 669.

87. Robins is quoted in Davis, “Social Workers and the Progressive Party,” 677.

88. On his role in launching the conservation movement, see Pinchot, Gifford, “Conservation and the Cost of Living,” in Payne, George Henry, ed., The Birth of the New Party (New York: Progressive National Committee, 1912), 167–68Google Scholar; and Pinchot, Amos, “What the Progressive Party Means to Conservation and the Bread Question,” Progressive Bulletin, 10 21, 1912, 12Google Scholar. Concerning social gospelers, see Theodore Roosevelt tojohn R. Mott, October 12, 1908, Theodore Roosevelt Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.

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94. Theodore Roosevelt, “Women's Rights; and the Duties of Both Men and Women,” 262–66. As president, Roosevelt struck a similar tone in an address to the National Congress of Mothers: “the primary duty of the woman is to be the helpmeet, the housewife, and mother.… Above all [men's] sympathy and regard are due to the struggling wives among those whom Abraham Lincoln called the plain people, and whom he so loved and trusted; for the lives of these women are often led on the lonely heights of quiet, self-sacrificing heroism.“ See Roosevelt, ”Address by President Roosevelt Before the National Congress of Mothers,“ March 13, 1905 (Washington. DC: Government Printing Office, 1905), 7, 11.

95. Platform of the Progressive Party, 12.

96. Theodore Roosevelt, Speech on Suffrage, delivered at St. Johnsbury, Vermont, August 30, 1912, Theodore Roosevelt Collection.

97. Minutes of the Official Board Meeting of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, June 5th and June 29th, 1912, Organization Files, File #109, Jane Addams Papers, edited by Mary Lynn McCree Bryan (University Microfilm International: University of Chicago, 1984), reel #42.

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102. ”To the Women Voters of the United States from the Women in Political Bondage: Vote the Progressive Ticket and Make Us Free,” Progressive Party Publications, 1912–1916, Theodore Roosevelt Collection.

103. Eileen McDonagh, “The Welfare Rights State' and the 'Civil Rights State': Trickleup Paradox in the Progressive Era,“ unpublished paper, pp. 40–44. Conflicting conceptions of women's equality would badly divide the women's movement in the 1920s and the 1930s. The issue of the Equal Rights Amendment, first proposed by the National Women's Party in 1923 as the next step toward winning full equality for women under the law after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, became a particularly divisive issue for New Deal social reformers. Supporters of the ERA in the 1920s and 1930s believed that men and women could never be free until laws and custom eliminated sex-based distinctions. Opponents of the ERA believed that men and women were fundamentally different, and therefore concluded that laws that acknowledged sexual distinctions, such as statutes limiting night work or setting minimum wage levels for women, were needed. See Ware, Susan, Beyond Suffrage: Women in the New Deal (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981), 77, 79–80Google Scholar.

104. Link and McCormick, Progressivism, 72–84.

105. On the role of social gospelers and religion in settlement and social work, see Davis, Allen, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890–1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 13–15, 27–29Google Scholar.

106. “The 'Call Which Brooks No Refusal': The Common Welfare,” The Survey, May 4, 1912, 187.

107. Gifford Pinchot, ”Conservation and the Cost of Living,” 167–68; see also Pinchot, Amos, “What the Progressive Party Means to Conservation and the Bread Question,” Progressive Bulletin, 10 21, 1912, 12Google Scholar.

108. Platform of the Progressive Party, 4.

109. Theodore Roosevelt to Rev. Bradley Gilman, July 24, 1912, Theodore Roosevelt Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.

110. John Parker to Theodore Roosevelt, July 24, 1912, Theodore Roosevelt Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.

111. Parker to Roosevelt, July 15, 1912.

112. Parker to Roosevelt, July 24, 1912.

113. National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, First Annual Report, January 1, 1911, in “National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 1911–1932,” Organizational Files, Jane Addams Papers, reel #42.

114. For insightful accounts of Roosevelt's southern strategy and the race question, see Mowry, George, “The South and the Progressive Lily White Party of 1912,” The Journal of Southern History 6(1940): 237–47Google Scholar; Link, Arthur, ”Theodore Roosevelt and the South in 1912,” The North Carolina Historical Review (07 1946): 313–24Google Scholar; and Gable, The Bull Moose Years, 60–74.

115. In part, Roosevelt's position on the southern delegations expressed his view that northern blacks were more fit for political responsibilitiy than their southern brothers. Just as important, however, was his unhappy experience with southern delegations at the Republican convention. Black delegates from the south voted overwhelmingly for Taft—their political lives depended on the patronage that sustained local Republican organizations, and these “spoils” were jointly controlled by the Taft administration and the party leadership in the states and localities. See Theodore Roosevelt to Julian La Rose Harris, August 1, 1912, in Morison, The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, vol. 7, 589; and Gable, The Bull Moose Years, 62–63.

116. Theodore Roosevelt to Julian Harris, vol. 7, August 1, 1912, in Morison, The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, 587–90. See also Link, Arthur, “Correspondence Relating to the Progressive Party's ‘Lily White’ Policy in 1912,” The Journal of Southern History 10 (1944): 480–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

117. Proceedings of the Provisional National Progressive Committee, Progressive Papers, Theodore Roosevelt Collection, 11.

118. See Chairman Dixon's statement, Proceedings of the Provisional National Progressive Committee, 233.

119. As mentioned, there had been an additional dispute over the Georgia delegation. But when the contestants from that state failed to appear at the committee hearings, it was voted to seat the regular delegation.

120. Proceedings of the Provisional National Progressive Committee, 51.

121. Ibid., 235.

122. Ibid., 246.

123. Ibid., 213.

124. Ibid., 233.

125. In addition to the Proceedings of the Provisional National Progressive Committee, see “Roosevelt Veto on Negroes a Blunder,” New York Times, August 5, 1912.

126. “Along the Color Line,” The Crisis, August 1912, 165.

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129. Addams, The Second Twenty Years at Hull-House, 34.

130. Quoted in Gable, The Bull Moose Years, 73.

131. Addams, Jane, “The Progressive Party and the Negro,” The Crisis, 11 1912, 31Google Scholar.

132. Proceedings of the National Progressive Convention, 127–34; and “Won't Force Negro Party on South,” New York Times, August 7, 1912.

133. Black delegates were elected from the convention from Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Arkansas. Progressives claimed that there were more black delegates at their convention than there had ever been in the conventions of either of the old parties. See Gable, The Bull Moose Years, 63.

134. Proceedings of the National Progressive Convention, 127–34; see also Addams, “The Progressive Party and the Negro,” 30.

135. “Know the Truth!: Statement from the Entire Colored Delegation of the National Progressive Convention,” Chicago, August 7, 1912, Progressive Party Publications, 1912–1916, Theodore Roosevelt Collection.

136. Amos Pinchot to Theodore Roosevelt, December 3, 1912, Theodore Roosevelt Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress.

137. Gifford Pinchot, “Conservation and the Cost of Living,” 167–68.

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146. Gable, The Bull Moose Years, 106.

147. See, for instance, Theodore Roosevelt to Charles Merriam, November 23, 1912, in Morison, The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, vol. 7, 657–59. Perkin's generous contributions to the Progressive party were hardly proof that the trusts controlled it. Indeed, the great bulk of big business executives opposed Roosevelt; moreover, J. P. Morgan, Jr., tried to force Perkins to resign from the United States Steel board because of his political activities. See Gable, The Bull Moose Years, 106.

148. Addams, The Second Twenty Years at Hull-House, 34–38.

149. Theodore Roosevelt, Speech at Orchestra Hall. Chicago, June 22, 1912, 1, 3.

150. A digest of the article is found in “Opinion; The Negro in Politics,” The Crisis, November 1912, 18.

151. Washington even prepared a memorandum on the Republican party's commitment to racial justice for Taft's acceptance speech. See Charles William Anderson to Booker T. Washington, May 10, 1912; and Booker T. Washington to William Howard Taft, July 20, 1912, in Louis Harlan and Gaymond Smock, eds., The Booker T. Washington Papers: Volume II, 1911–1912 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press), 535, 563–65.

152. W. E. B. Du Bois, “Mr. Roosevelt,” 235–36.

153. “Suffering Suffragettes,” The Crisis, June 1912, 76–77.

154. Mowry, “The South and the Progressive Lily White Party of 1912,” 245.

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168. “Know the Truth!: Statement from the Entire Colored Delegation of the National Progressive Convention,” “What Southern Colored Men Say About Roosevelt and the Progressive Party,” and “The Negro Question: Attitude of the Progressive Party Toward the Colored Race,” Progressive Party Publications, 1912–1916, Theodore Roosevelt Collection; Roosevelt, Theodore, “The Progressives and the Colored Man,” The Outlook, 08 24, 1912, 909–12Google Scholar; and Addams, Jane, “The Progressive Party and the Negro,” The Crisis, 11 1912, 30–31Google Scholar.

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171. Pinchot, “What the Progressive Party Means to Conservation and the Bread Question.” Special letters were sent to leaders of the women's suffrage movement, female physicians, social workers, and other professionals. See copies of these form letters in “Progressive Party, 1912–14,” Organization Files, File #136, Jane Addams Papers, reel #42.

172. Wilson was opposed to the recall of judges and of court decisions. See his “An Address to the General Assembly of Maryland,” March 7, 1912, in Link, Arthur, ed., The Papers of Woodrow Wilson (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977), vol. 24, 227–36Google Scholar; and “Campaign Speech on New Issues,” Hartford, Connecticut, September 25, 1912, in Link, Arthur, ed., The Papers of Woodrow Wilson (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978), vol.25, 234–45Google Scholar.

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192. Croly, Progressive Democracy, 336.

193. The New York Call and Debs cited in “The New Party Gets Itself Born,” 256. Debs, although supportive of political reform, considered devices such as the referendum a very small part of the Socialist party's program. “You will never be able, in my opinion, to organize any formidable movement upon [the referendum] or any other single issue,” he wrote in 1895. “The battle is narrowing down to capitalism and socialism, and there can be no compromise or half-way ground…. Not until the workingman comprehends the trend of … economic development and is conscious of his class interests will he be fit to properly use the referendum, and when he has reached that point he will be a Socialist.“ Letter to the Editor, Social Democratic Herald, November 19, 1898, Eugene V. Debs Papers, Indiana State University, Terre Haute, Indiana.

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200. Roosevelt, Franklin D., Public Papers and Addresses, Rosenman, Samuel I., ed., 13 vols. (New York: Random House, 1938–1950), vol. 7, xxviii–xxxiiGoogle Scholar.

201. Report of the President's Committee on Administrative Management (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1937), 53. The President's Committee on Administrative Management, headed by Louis Brownlow, played a central role in the planning and politics of New Deal institutions. Charles Merriam, an influential advisor to TR in 1912, was an important member of this committee. On the link between Progressivism and the New Deal, see Milkis, Sidney M., The President and the Parties: The Transformation of the American Party System Since the New Deal (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993)Google Scholar.