Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-p9bg8 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-24T13:48:35.940Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Understanding the Crisis Symptoms of Representative Democracy: The New European Economic Governance and France's ‘Political Crisis’

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 September 2018

Julia Lux*
Affiliation:
School of Social Sciences, Liverpool Hope University E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

This article will investigate the ‘political crisis’ in France (Amable, 2017) to highlight two aspects often set aside in public and academic discussions: 1) the technocratic, neoliberal character of the European Union (EU) that limits democratic debate about political economic issues and 2) the socio-economic context the parties operate in. Using this perspective, I add to the debate on the inherent theoretical/conceptual tension between representative democracy and populism (Taggart, 2002) by showing how the ‘new economic governance’ increases the democratic problems of the EU by limiting the discursive space. Representative liberal democracy has particularly marginalised anti-capitalism at EU and national level. My analysis shows that the EU's discursive strategies are aligned to those of governing parties and the employers’ association. Left-wing actors and the Front National (FN) oppose the EU's discourse not necessarily for reasons of sovereignty but for political reasons concerning the politico-economic trajectory of France.

Type
Themed Section: European Social Policy and Society after Brexit: Neoliberalism, Populism, and Social Quality
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Almeida, D. (2013) ‘Towards a post-radical Front National? Patterns of ideological change and dédiabolisation on the French radical right, Nottingham French Studies, 52, 2, 167–76.Google Scholar
Amable, B. (2017) Structural Crisis and Institutional Change in Modern Capitalism. French Capitalism in Transition, Oxford: Oxford University Press (GBP).Google Scholar
Bailey, D. J., Clua-Losada, M., Huke, N. and Ribera-Almandoz, O. (2017) Beyond Defeat and Austerity: Disrupting the Critical Political Economy of Neoliberal Europe, London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Bieling, H.-J. (2003) ‘Social forces in the making of the new European economy: the case of Financial market integration’, New Political Economy, 8, 2, 203–24.Google Scholar
Bruff, I. (2008) Culture and Consensus in European Varieties of Capitalism: A “Common Sense” Analysis, Palgrave Macmillan UK.Google Scholar
Cafruny, A. W. and Ryner, M. (2003) A Ruined Fortress? Neoliberal Hegemony and Transformation in Europe, Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.Google Scholar
Choat, S. (2017) ‘Horseshoe Theory’ is Nonsense: The Far Right and Far Left Have Little in Common, https://theconversation.com/horseshoe-theory-is-nonsense-the-far-right-and-far-left-have-little-in-common-77588 [accessed 18.10.2017].Google Scholar
Daly, M. (2012) ‘Paradigms in EU social policy: a critical account of Europe 2020’, Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research, 18, 3, 273–84 [accessed 08.11.2017].Google Scholar
de Wilde, P. (2011) ‘No polity for old politics? A framework for analyzing the politicization of European integration’, Journal of European Integration, 33, 5, 559–75.Google Scholar
de Wilde, P. and Zürn, M. (2012) ‘Can the politicization of European integration be reversed?’, JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 50, 3, 137–53.Google Scholar
Fairclough, N. (2010) Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language, Harlow, England, New York: Longman.Google Scholar
Farrelly, M. (2015) Discourse and Democracy: Critical Analysis of the Language of Government, New York, NY: Routledge.Google Scholar
Fisahn, A. (2014) Wider das Recht: Ein Gutachten zur Unrechtmäßigkeit der EZB-Aktivitäten im Rahmen der autoritären Kürzungspolitiken der Troika, https://www.rosalux.de/publikation/id/7805/wider-das-recht/ [accessed 14.12.2017].Google Scholar
Fraser, N. (1990) ‘Rethinking the public sphere: a contribution to the critique of actually existing democracy’, Social Text, 25/26, 5680 [accessed 08.11. 2017].Google Scholar
Goodliffe, G. (2013) ‘Globalization, class crisis and the extreme right in France in the new century’, in Mammone, A., Godin, E. and Jenkins, B. (eds.), Varieties of Right-Wing Extremism in Europe, London, New York: Routledge, 85103.Google Scholar
Goodliffe, G. (2015) ‘Europe's salience and ‘owning’ Euroscepticism: explaining the Front National's victory in the 2014 European elections in France’, French Politics, 13, 4, 324–45.Google Scholar
Gramsci, A. and Forgacs, D. (1988) An Antonio Gramsci Reader: Selected Writings, 1916–1935, London: Lawrence and Wishart.Google Scholar
Hall, S. (1986) ‘Gramsci's relevance for the study of race and ethnicity’, Journal of Communication Inquiry, 10, 2, 527.Google Scholar
Hooghe, L. and Marks, G. (2009) ‘A postfunctionalist theory of European integration: from permissive consensus to constraining dissensus’, British Journal of Political Science, 39, 1, 123.Google Scholar
Hyman, R. (2015) ‘Austeritarianism in Europe: what options for resistance?’, in Natali, D. and Vanhercke, B. (eds.), Social Policy in the European Union: State of Play 2015, Brussels: ETUI, 97126.Google Scholar
Ivaldi, G. (2015) ‘Towards the median economic crisis voter?: The new leftist economic agenda of the Front National in France’, French Politics, 13, 4, 346–69.Google Scholar
Jolivet, A., Lerais, F. and Sauviat, C. (2013) ‘La dimension sociale aux prises avec la nouvelle gouvernance économique européenne’, Chronique Internationale de l'IRES, 143–144, 3052.Google Scholar
Konecny, M. (2012) ‘Die Herausbildung einer neuen Economic Governance als Strategie zur autoritären Krisenbearbeitung in Europa - gesellschaftliche Akteure und ihre Strategien’, Prokla, 42, 3 [167], 377–94.Google Scholar
Le Pen, M. (2013) Discours du 1er mai 2013, Paris.Google Scholar
Le Pen, M. (2017) 144 Engagements Présidentiels, https://www.marine2017.fr/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/projet-presidentiel-marine-le-pen.pdf [accessed 04.10.2017].Google Scholar
Le Pen, M. and Lamy, J-M. (2011) L'Europe: moins elle va, plus on nous dit qu'il en faut: Interview au « Nouvel Economiste », http://www.lenouveleconomiste.fr/marine-le-pen-leurope-moins-elle-va-plus-on-nous-dit-quil-en-faut-10783/ [accessed 18.12.2015].Google Scholar
Leconte, C. (2015) ‘From pathology to mainstream phenomenon: reviewing the Euroscepticism debate in research and theory’, International Political Science Review, 36, 3, 250–63.Google Scholar
Leschke, J., Theodoropoulou, S. and Watt, A. (2012) ‘How do economic governance reforms and austerity measures affect inclusive growth as formulated in the Europe 2020 Strategy?’, in Lehndorff, S. (ed.), A Triumph of Failed Ideas: European Models Of Capitalism in Crisis, Brüssel: ETUI, 243–81.Google Scholar
Lux, J. (2015) ‘France in limbo: on the struggles over accumulation strategies in models of capitalism – the case of the pacte de responsabilité’, French Politics, 13, 1, 84102.Google Scholar
Lux, J. (2016) ‘Disciplining large member states during the crisis: analyzing the discursive strategies of the EU and German actors on France’, Critical Policy Studies, 2, 1, 117.Google Scholar
Lux, J. (2017) Krisendiskurse und kapitalistische Entwicklungspfade: Arbeits- und sozialpolitische Projekte in Deutschland und Frankreich, Wiesbaden: Springer VS.Google Scholar
Lyons, K. and Darroch, G. (2016) ‘Frexit, Nexit or Oexit?: Who will be next to leave the EU’, The Guardian, https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/jun/27/frexit-nexit-or-oexit-who-will-be-next-to-leave-the-eu [accessed 06.11.2017].Google Scholar
Manners, I. and Whitman, R. (2016) ‘Another theory is possible: dissident voices in theorising Europe’, JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 54, 1, 318.Google Scholar
Mény, Y. and Surel, Y. (2002) ‘The constitutive ambiguity of populism’, in Mény, Y. and Surel, Y. (eds.), Democracies and the Populist Challenge, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 121.Google Scholar
Oberndorfer, L. (2013) ‘Vom neuen, über den autoritären zum progressiven Konstitutionalismus?: Pakt(e) für Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und die europäische Demokratie’, juridikum, 1/2013, 7686.Google Scholar
Pernot, J.-M. (2017) ‘France's trade unions in the aftermath of the crisis’, in Lehndorff, S., Dribbusch, H. and Schulten, T. (eds.), Rough Waters: European Trade Unions in a Time of Crises, Brussels: ETUI, 3760.Google Scholar
Platzer, H.-W. (2011) ‘Das Europäische Sozialmodell auf dem Prüfstand’, in Hentges, G. and Platzer, H.-W. (eds.), Europa - quo vadis?: Ausgewählte Problemfelder der europäischen Integrationspolitik, Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien, 93123.Google Scholar
Reisigl, M. and Wodak, R. (2001) Discourse and Discrimination: Rhetorics of Racism and Antisemitism, London, New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Reungoat, E. (2015) ‘Mobilizing Europe in national competition: the case of the French Front National’, International Political Science Review, 36, 3, 296310.Google Scholar
Schimmelfennig, F., Leuffen, D. and Rittberger, B. (2015) ‘The European Union as a system of differentiated integration: Interdependence, politicization and differentiation’, Journal of European Public Policy, 22, 6, 764–82.Google Scholar
Schulten, T. and Müller, T. (2015) ‘European economic governance and its intervention in national wage development and collective bargaining’, in Lehndorff, S. (ed.), Divisive Integration: The Triumph of Failed Ideas in Europe — Revisited, Brüssel: ETUI, 331–63.Google Scholar
Shields, J. (2014) ‘The Front National: from systematic opposition to systemic integration?’, Modern and Contemporary France, 22, 4, 491511.Google Scholar
Stockemer, D. (2014) ‘Who are the members of the French National Front?: Evidence from interview research’, French Politics, 12, 1, 3658.Google Scholar
Stockemer, D. and Barisione, M. (2017) ‘The ‘new’ discourse of the Front National under Marine Le Pen: a slight change with a big impact’, European Journal of Communication, 32, 2, 100–15.Google Scholar
Surel, Y. (2002) ‘Populism in the French party system’, in Mény, Y. and Surel, Y. (eds.), Democracies and the Populist Challenge, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 139–54.Google Scholar
Taggart, P. (2002) ‘Populism and the pathology of representative politics’, in Mény, Y. and Surel, Y. (eds.), Democracies and the Populist Challenge, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 6280.Google Scholar
Taggart, P. (2004) ‘Populism and representative politics in contemporary Europe’, Journal of Political Ideologies, 9, 3, 269–88.Google Scholar
van Apeldoorn, B. (2002) Transnational Capitalism and the Struggle over European Integration, London, New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
van Dijk, T. A. (2016) Discourse and the denial of racism’, Discourse and Society, 3, 1, 87118.Google Scholar
Vassallo, F. (2012) ‘The EU Discourse in the 2012 French presidential election’, French Politics, Culture and Society, 30, 3, 7995.Google Scholar
publique, Vie (2017) Débat télévisé entre M. Emmanuel Macron, et Mme Marine le Pen, candidats à l'élection présidentielle 2017, le 3 mai 2017, sur les projets et propositions des deux candidats, http://discours.vie-publique.fr/notices/173001416.html [accessed 04.10.2017].Google Scholar
Wöhl, S. (2013) ‘Die “Krise“ der repräsentativen Demokratie in Europa’, Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen, 26, 1, 4250.Google Scholar
Zürn, M. (2015) ‘Opening up Europe: next steps in politicisation research’, West European Politics, 39, 1, 164–82.Google Scholar