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Marxian Freedom, Individual Liberty, and the End of Alienation*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 January 2009
Extract
It is a commonplace of academic conventional wisdom that Marxian theory is not to be judged by the historical experience of actually existing socialist societies. The reasons given in support of this view are familiar enough, but let us rehearse them. Born in adversity, encircled by hostile powers, burdened with the necessity of defending themselves against foreign enemies and with the massive task of educating backward and reactionary populations, the revolutionary socialist governments of this century were each of them denied any real opportunity to implement Marxian socialism in its authentic form. Nowhere has socialism come to power as Marx expected it would – on the back of the organized proletariat of an advanced capitalist society. For this reason, the historical experience of the past sixty years can have no final authority in the assessment of Marxian theory. The failings of Marxist regimes – their domination by bureaucratic elites, their economic crises, their repression of popular movements and of intellectual freedoms, and their dependency on imports of Western technology and capital – are all to be explained as historical contingencies which in no way threaten the validity of Marx's central conceptions. It is not that Marxian socialism has been tried and found wanting but, rather, that it has never been tried.
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References
1 Cohen, G. A., “Capitalism, Freedom and the Proletariat,” Ryan, A., ed., The Idea of Freedom (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), pp. 8–25.Google Scholar
2 ibid., p. 12.
3 ibid., p. 23.
4 ibid., p. 24.
5 See Berlin, Isaiah, Four Essays on Liberty (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1969)Google Scholar; I have myself discussed Berlin's value-pluralist defense of negative liberty in “Negative and Positive Liberty,” John, Gray and Pelcynski, Z. A., eds., Conceptions of Liberty in Political Philosophy (London and New York: Athlone Press and St. Martin's, 1984), pp. 321–348.Google Scholar
6 Hillel Steiner has argued from this correlativity (that social freedom is gained whenever it is lost) that social freedom can be neither increased nor diminished, but only redistributed. Steiner's conception of freedom as a zero-sum value rests on an unsound inference from the premise that freedom is gained where it is lost to the conclusion that it is the same freedom that is lost and gained. But see Steiner, Hillel, “Individual Liberty,” Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, vol. 75 (1974–5), pp. 35–50.Google Scholar
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18 Nozick, Robert, Anarchy, State and Utopia (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1974), p. 30Google Scholar, footnote.
19 Cohen has argued in conversation with me that his writings do not support the view that the liberty of the rapist has value, but only that it is the rapist's liberty that is lost when rape is prohibited. I am not sure I accept Cohen's account of his writings on this point. Even if it is correct, however, the central contrast between Cohen's view and Nozick's view of freedom as a moral notion whose content is given by a theory of justice remains valid.
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42 A brilliant account of the uniqueness of the Soviet system is given by Besançon, Kalain in The Soviet Syndrome (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976).Google Scholar
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