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¹² To avoid definitional disputes, I understand that poverty and welfare dependency are not the same, and that both labels designate larger groups than the “underclass,” or the most disordered poor. The “social problem” I refer to here is that of the long-term poor, meaning individuals not elderly or disabled, and their families, who are poor by the federal government's definition for more than two years at a stretch. Within this group, I focus particularly on people on welfare for spells of more than two years. The underclass is another subset of the long-term poor. The long-term poor are a small group, perhaps 5 percent of the population in the United States, but they are still strategic to American urban problems. See Mead, Lawrence M., The New Politics of Poverty: The Nonworking Poor in America (New York: Basic Books, 1992), pp. 14–15.Google Scholar

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¹⁴ The above figures represent only federal costs. About 43 percent of Medicaid costs and 46 percent of AFDC benefit expenses are paid by states and localities. See U.S. Congress, House of Representatives, Committee on Ways and Means, Overview of Entitlement Programs: 1994 Green Book (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 07 15, 1994), pp. 382, 797.Google Scholar

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³⁵ Some would fear, as well, that to create new universal aid programs would expose many of the working poor to the incentives to misbehave that now impinge on the dependent poor. This objection is discussed under the privatization option below.

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³⁷ States may still supplement the SSI benefit, and most do, so that benefits still vary across the country; but the federal benefit establishes a significantly higher “floor” than existed before.

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⁴⁸ The most important of these plans were the Family Assistance Plan, proposed by the Nixon administration, and the Program for Better Jobs and Income, proposed by the Carter administration. See Mead, , Beyond Entitlement, chs. 3, 5.Google Scholar

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⁷⁶ Some poor single men live unofficially off welfare mothers and their benefits. But since a man's earnings would not reduce the mother's benefits unless he were married to her, welfare disincentives cannot explain why such men do not work more regularly. Some conservatives believe that welfare at least relieves a father of the need to support his children. But poor fathers blame their failure to provide less on welfare than on their own inability to work and earn enough to support families. See Liebow, Elliot, Tally's Corner: A Study of Negro Streetcorner Men (Boston: Little, Brown, 1967)Google Scholar; and Furstenberg, Frank E. Jr., Sherwood, Kay E., and Sullivan, Mercer L., Caring and Paying: What Fathers and Mothers Say about Child Support (New York: Manpower Demonstration Research Corporation, 07 1992).Google Scholar

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⁷⁸ These include America Works, a proprietary job-placement firm operating in New York and other states, and various organizations that run reform programs in several Wisconsin counties. See Rosenberg, Jan, “Welfare-to-Work: Just the Facts,” City Journal, vol. 4, no. 2 (Spring 1994), pp. 10–11Google Scholar; and Mead, Lawrence M., The New Paternalism in Action: Welfare Reform in Wisconsin (Milwaukee: Wisconsin Policy Research Institute, 01 1995), pp. 17–22.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ A large body of survey and poll data exists to this effect. See, for example, Kluegel, James R. and Smith, Eliot R., Beliefs about Inequality: Americans' Views of What Is and What Ought to Be (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1986), pp. 151–77, 301–5Google Scholar; Melville, Keith and Doble, John, The Public's Perspective on Social Welfare Reform (New York: Public Agenda Foundation, 01 1988)Google Scholar; and Cook, Fay Lomax and Barrett, Edith J., Support for the American Welfare State: The Views of Congress and the Public (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992).Google Scholar For summaries, see Mead, , New Politics of Poverty, pp. 57–61Google Scholar; and Sundquist, James L., “Has America Lost Its Social Conscience—And How Will It Get It Back?” Political Science Quarterly, vol. 101, no. 4 (1986), pp. 513–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁸⁵ I often receive inquiries from European journalists interested in these issues, as do other American experts on poverty.

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