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“GUILT BY ASSOCIATION” AND THE POSTWAR CIVIL LIBERTARIANS

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 June 2008

Ken I. Kersch
Affiliation:
Political Science and Law, Boston College

Abstract

In recent years, the constitutional freedom of association has assumed a relatively low profile. Today, the most extended discussions of the right consider it as a second-order countervailing claim in civil rights cases involving questions of identity and the right to exclude. This article provides a brief overview of the right at a time when it was one of the most widely discussed, first-order constitutional rights, and when those discussions centered not on the right to exclude but on the question of “guilt by association.” The article provides a sampling of the way that right was considered in the immediate post-World War Two years in the writings of some of the era's most prominent civil libertarian thinkers – Leo Pfeffer, Milton Konvitz, Robert Cushman, Henry Steele Commager, Zechariah Chafee, Jr., and Sidney Hook. These writings demonstrate that doctrinal development concerning the right was driven by its implication in two of the major political issues of the day: domestic security at the height of the Cold War and civil rights. The article concludes by arguing that, in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks and the ongoing fight against terrorism, free association questions are likely to assume renewed prominence. It argues further that, in a contemporary context, those thinking about the most pressing freedom of association questions would profit by looking less to the more recent discussions of the right as a matter of the right to exclude, and more to the highly-relevant discussions of “guilt by association” by the currently less well known mid-century civil libertarians.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Social Philosophy and Policy Foundation 2008

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References

1 Hook, Sidney, Heresy, Yes; Conspiracy, No (New York: John Day & Co., 1953), 83Google Scholar.

2 Ibid., 85.

3 Cushman, Robert E., Civil Liberties in the United States: A Guide to Current Problems and Experiences (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1956), 185Google Scholar.

4 Commager, Henry Steele, “The Pragmatic Necessity for Freedom,” in Commager, Henry Steele and Wilcox, Clair, eds., Civil Liberties Under Attack (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1951), 17Google Scholar.

5 Konvitz, Milton R., Expanding Liberties: The Emergence of New Civil Liberties and Civil Rights in Postwar America (New York: Viking Press, 1967), 109Google Scholar.

6 Emerson, Thomas I., The System of Freedom of Expression (New York: Random House, 1970)Google Scholar.

7 See Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965)Google Scholar; Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973)Google Scholar; Allgeyer v. Louisiana, 165 U.S. 578 (1897)Google Scholar; and Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45 (1905)Google Scholar. The freedom of association was the most prominent unenumerated right of its time. It is notable that, although the Supreme Court's rulings based on it were criticized, so far as I can tell, associational freedom was not attacked with any special vehemence on the specific ground that it was unenumerated. See generally Kersch, Ken I., “The Right to Privacy,” in Bodenhamer, David and Ely, James W. Jr., eds., The Bill of Rights in Modern America, 2d ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008)Google Scholar. In its lead-up to declaring the new right to freedom of association, however, the Supreme Court considered the issue under the rubric of the (enumerated) right to assembly. See Adler v. Board of Education, 342 U.S. 485 (1952)Google Scholar; and Wieman v. Updegraff, 344 U.S. 183 (1952)Google Scholar, discussed in note 16 below.

8 See Tobias Barrington Wolff and Andrew Koppelman, “Expressive Association and the Ideal of the University in the Solomon Amendment Litigation,” elsewhere in this volume.

9 See generally Kersch, Ken I., Constructing Civil Liberties: Discontinuities in the Development of American Constitutional Law (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 Roberts v. United States Jaycees, 468 U.S. 609 (1984)Google Scholar. In the Jaycees case, the Court specifically rejected the club's claims to freedom of intimate association and freedom of expressive association. See also Frank v. Ivy Club, 120 N.J. 73, 576 A.2d 241 (1990)Google Scholar (holding that, free association claims notwithstanding, the state of New Jersey could require private all-male eating clubs at Princeton University to admit women).

11 Boy Scouts of America v. Dale, 530 U.S. 640 (2000)Google Scholar. In Dale, the Court recognized the Boy Scouts' claims to freedom of expressive association.

12 Heart of Atlanta Motel v. United States, 379 U.S. 241 (1964)Google Scholar.

13 Katzenbach v. McClung, 379 U.S. 294 (1964)Google Scholar.

14 See, e.g., Gutmann, Amy, ed., Freedom of Association (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

15 Those chapters were titled “Freedom of Association,” “Academic Freedom,” and “The Communist Party and the Freedom of Association.” The other two First Amendment chapters were titled “Religious Liberty” and “Censorship of Literature.”

16 Adler v. Board of Education, 342 U.S. 485 (1952)Google Scholar (upholding, against a freedom-of-assembly claim, the constitutionality of New York State's 1949 Feinberg Law requiring the state's board of regents to compile a list of subversive organizations, membership in which constituted a prima facie case for dismissal from employment in the state's public schools); Wieman v. Updegraff, 344 U.S. 183 (1952)Google Scholar (striking down an Oklahoma statute requiring all state employees to take an oath that they were not members of any group listed by the U.S. attorney general as a subversive or Communist front group on the grounds that the law did not distinguish between innocent and culpable membership); Barenblatt v. United States, 360 U. S. 109 (1959)Google Scholar (upholding the criminal conviction of a Vassar College professor for contempt of Congress for refusal to answer questions about his membership in the Communist Party); NAACP v. Alabama, 357 U.S. 449 (1958)Google Scholar (upholding, on freedom of association grounds, the right of the NAACP to refuse to provide its membership list to the state of Alabama pursuant to a state statute requiring corporations doing business in the state to provide such a list).

17 Pfeffer, Leo, The Liberties of an American: The Supreme Court Speaks (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1956), 9798Google Scholar. See also ibid., 110: “The Bill of Rights nowhere makes specific reference to freedom of association… .”

18 For a reading of contemporary civil liberties consistent with this, focusing on the relationship of civil liberties with modern pluralist political thought, see Kahn, Ronald, The Supreme Court and Constitutional Theory, 1953–1993 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1994)Google Scholar.

19 Pfeffer, The Liberties of an American, 110.

20 Ibid., 110. See Hague v. CIO, 307 U.S. 496 (1939)Google Scholar.

21 Pfeffer, The Liberties of an American, 110.

22 Ibid., 110–11. On the profound conceptual significance of this understanding of the political function of labor unions in twentieth-century constitutional thought concerning rights, see Kersch, Constructing Civil Liberties; and Kersch, Ken I., “The New Deal Triumph as the End of History? The Judicial Negotiation of Labor Rights and Civil Rights,” in Kahn, Ronald and Kersch, Ken I., eds., The Supreme Court and American Political Development (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2006)Google Scholar. In these works, I emphasize the developmental significance of conceptualizing New Deal era labor rights as a form of group rights. In his essay in the present volume, Richard Boyd notes that Thomas Hobbes had warned against associations on the grounds alluded to here by Pfeffer, calling them “lesser commonwealths in the bowels of a greater, like worms in the entrails of a natural man.” Boyd, , “The Madisonian Paradox of Freedom of Association,” citing Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. Curley, Edwin (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett, 1994), chap. 29, 218Google Scholar.

23 Pfeffer, The Liberties of an American, 112.

24 Ibid., 113. See Davis v. Beason, 133 U.S. 333 (1890)Google Scholar (unanimously upholding an Idaho territorial statute disenfranchising those who advocated or practiced plural marriage or belonged to an organization that did); and Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints v. United States, 136 U.S. 1 (1890)Google Scholar (upholding the revocation of the Mormon Church charter and the confiscation of Church property).

25 Cushman, Civil Liberties in the United States, 185.

26 Here Cushman is emphasizing rule of law aspects of the freedom of association similar to those emphasized by James Madison. See Boyd, “The Madisonian Paradox of Freedom of Association.”

27 Cushman, Civil Liberties in the United States, 185–86.

28 Ibid., 186.

29 Ibid., 186–205.

30 Ibid., 65. See also Pfeffer, The Liberties of an American, 99: “In our own day persons who signed the Stockholm peace petition, or a petition for clemency for the Rosenbergs, or a Communist Party or even a Progressive Party nominating petition are very likely to have that fact count against them in applying for or seeking to retain government employment or employment in private industry working on defense contracts, or in resisting deportation, or in a variety of other situations where their loyalty is called into question. The fact that the American public does not uniformly believe that ‘there is no harm in asking’ and that exercise of the right of petition does not entail punitive consequences is indicated by the difficulties encountered not long ago by a reporter of a Midwestern newspaper who vainly sought to obtain signatures from street passers-by to a petition incorporating part of the Declaration of Independence.” The Stockholm Peace Petition, which called for a ban on atomic weapons, occasioned considerable controversy in 1950, as the petition was championed by the communist movement around the world. Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were New York City communists who were tried and executed for passing U.S. nuclear secrets to the Soviet Union. Although they were championed by the left at the time as the prototypical dissenters victimized by the excesses of McCarthyism, it was later confirmed by documents from the Soviet archives that Julius Rosenberg was indeed a Soviet spy. Note that both Cushman and Pfeffer consider guilt by association inappropriate in both criminal and noncriminal contexts.

31 Konvitz, Expanding Liberties, 48.

32 Ibid., 49–50.

33 Ibid., 59.

34 Ibid., 50.

35 Ibid. Konvitz is referring to Federalist No. 10, written by Madison.

36 Konvitz, Expanding Liberties, 51.

39 Ibid., 57.

40 Ibid., 84. On the Founders' ambivalence toward the freedom of association, see Boyd, “The Madisonian Paradox of Freedom of Association.” The degree to which the Founders' negative views toward faction and the spirit of party were coextensive with their views on other, potentially quite different and more benign forms of association remains an open question. Of course, even if they were positively disposed toward the more benign forms of associations—the equivalents of, say, 4-H clubs—they would likely have understood that these sorts of benign groups would be much less likely to need to invoke a constitutional freedom specifically enumerated in the constitutional text: it would likely be the self-seeking troublemakers who would appeal to such a freedom.

41 Konvitz, Expanding Liberties, 62. That it led the Court to the invention of a new constitutional right, which subsequently developed a life of its own, is yet another way in which Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954)Google Scholar, had a major effect on the shape of the law, revealing one of the many limits of Gerald N. Rosenberg's popular account of Brown's limits. See Rosenberg, Gerald N., The Hollow Hope: Can the Courts Bring about Social Change? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

42 Konvitz, Expanding Liberties, 84.

43 Ibid., 75. See, e.g., Wieman v. Updegraff, 344 U.S. 183 (1952)Google Scholar, and Gibson v. Florida Legislative Committee, 372 U.S. 539 (1963)Google Scholar.

44 Konvitz, Expanding Liberties, World Fellowship, Inc., under the leadership of Willard Uphaus (a labor, peace, and civil rights activist, and a Methodist minister), ran a summer camp in Conway, New Hampshire, for progressive activists. Suspecting the camp was involved in subversive activities—chiefly by inviting communists and members of subversive groups as speakers at the camp—the New Hampshire legislature subpoenaed the Fellowship's records, including the registry of all those who had attended the camp's programs. Uphaus refused, citing in part the group's rights to associational privacy, and was sent to jail for nearly a year. He lost the appeal of his conviction in a 5-to-4 decision by the U.S. Supreme Court. Uphaus v. Wyman, 360 U.S. 72 (1959)Google Scholar.

45 Konvitz, Expanding Liberties, 84.

46 Ibid., 85, quoting N.A.A.C.P. v. Button, 371 U.S. 415 (1963)Google Scholar (invalidating, on free expression and free association grounds, Virginia's prosecution of NAACP litigators for improper solicitation of legal business).

47 Konvitz, Expanding Liberties, 86.

48 Ibid., 86.

49 Ibid., 94. See Adler v. Board of Education, 342 U.S. 485 (1952)Google Scholar; Wieman v. Updegraff, 344 U.S. 183 (1952)Google Scholar; and Sweezy v. New Hampshire, 354 U.S. 234 (1957)Google Scholar.

50 Commager, “The Pragmatic Necessity for Freedom,” 17.

51 Ibid., 18.

52 Chafee, Zechariah Jr., “Investigations of Radicalism and Laws Against Subversion,” in Commager, and Wilcox, , eds., Civil Liberties Under Attack, 76Google Scholar.

53 Ibid., 76–77.

54 Hook, Heresy, Yes; Conspiracy, No, 11.

57 Ibid., 12. The Palmer Raids (1919–1921) were crackdowns on radical political groups, pursuant to the Espionage Act of 1917 and the Sedition Act of 1918, initiated by President Woodrow Wilson's attorney general, A. Mitchell Palmer, in the aftermath of a series of bomb attacks launched across the country by anarchists—including one on the home of Palmer himself.

58 Ibid., 20.

59 The Communist conspiracy, Hook insisted, would not warrant the approval of even Karl Marx himself; after all, Marx in the Communist Manifesto thundered: “The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions” (quoted in ibid., 26).

60 Ibid., 92.

61 “The members of the Communist Party are literally the fifth column of the Red Army, and the success and strategic position of that Army are certainly relevant in considering the danger, not merely of Communist advocacy, but of Communist organization in this country” (ibid., 111). The phrase “fifth column” is attributed to the Spanish Civil War's General Emilio Mola, who said that he had four columns encircling Madrid, and a fifth column working for him in the city. See The Wordsworth Dictionary of Phrase and Fable, ed. Brewer, Ebenezer Cobham, Evans, revised by Ivor H. (London: Wordsworth Editions, 1993), 409Google Scholar.

62 Cushman, Civil Liberties in the United States, 50–52; Millis, Harry A. and Brown, Emily Clark, From the Wagner Act to Taft-Hartley: A Study of National Labor Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1950): 552–54Google Scholar. See American Communications Association v. Douds, 339 U.S. 382 (1950)Google Scholar (upholding as constitutional these provisions of Taft-Hartley). See also Kersch, Constructing Civil Liberties, 159–67, on the democratic design behind the collective bargaining provisions of the National Labor Relations Act that, Hook argued, these provisions of Taft-Hartley were designed to preserve. Hook's teacher, John Dewey, was one of the major theorists of “industrial democracy.”

63 See Feldman, Stephen, Free Expression and Democracy in America: A History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

64 See Abrams v. United States, 250 U.S. 616 (1919)Google Scholar (Holmes, J., dissenting). See generally Gillman, Howard, “Preferred Freedoms: The Progressive Expansion of State Power and the Rise of Modern Civil Liberties Jurisprudence,” Political Research Quarterly 47 (1994): 623–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 Hook, Heresy, Yes; Conspiracy, No, 22 (emphasis in the original).

66 Ibid., 23.

67 Ibid., 24.

69 Ibid., 25.

71 See Kersch, Constructing Civil Liberties; and Fraser, Steven, “The ‘Labor Question,’” in Gerstle, Gary and Fraser, Steven, eds., The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, 1930–1980 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989)Google Scholar. The crucial legislation was the National Labor Relations Act (1935), commonly known as the Wagner Act.

72 See Kersch, “The New Deal Triumph as the End of History?”

73 Hook, Heresy, Yes; Conspiracy, No, 24.

74 Ibid., 28 (emphasis in the original).

75 Ibid., 30.

76 Ibid., 74.

77 Ibid., 75. In 1938, President Franklin Roosevelt appointed the controversial Thurman Arnold, the author of the bestselling 1937 book The Folklore of Capitalism (which was highly critical of both antitrust enforcement and the capitalist economic system itself), to head the U.S. Justice Department's antitrust division. In his Senate confirmation hearings, Arnold faced a lengthy and heated encounter with the trust-busting Senator Borah, a populist Republican from Idaho, whose views on antitrust law had been singled out for criticism in Arnold's book.

78 Hook, Heresy, Yes; Conspiracy, No, 90.

80 Smith Act, 18 U.S.C. sec. 2385. See Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S. 494 (1951)Google Scholar.

81 Hook, Heresy, Yes; Conspiracy, No, 106.

82 Keith E. Whittington, “Industrial Saboteurs, Reputed Thieves, Communists, and the Freedom of Association,” elsewhere in this volume.

83 See Kersch, Constructing Civil Liberties; and Kersch, Ken I., “How Conduct Became Speech and Speech Became Conduct: A Political Development Case Study in Labor Law and the Freedom of Speech,” University of Pennsylvania Journal of Constitutional Law 2 (March 2006): 255–97Google Scholar.

84 See generally Hattam, Victoria C., Labor Visions and State Power: The Origins of Business Unionism in the United States (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

85 See, e.g., Roth v. United States, 354 U.S. 476 (1957)Google Scholar; Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U.S. 643 (1961)Google Scholar; Engle v. Vitale, 370 U.S. 421 (1962)Google Scholar; Gideon v. Wainwright, 372 U.S. 335 (1963)Google Scholar; New York Times v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254 (1964)Google Scholar; Miranda v. Arizona, 384 U.S. 436 (1966)Google Scholar; and Tinker v. Des Moines, 393 U.S. 503 (1969)Google Scholar.

86 Klarman, Michael J., “Rethinking the Civil Rights and Civil Liberties Revolutions,” Virginia Law Review 82 (1996): 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

87 On the labor settlements, see Kersch, Constructing Civil Liberties, 134–234; and Hattam, Labor Visions and State Power. The seminal Red Scare free speech cases are Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47 (1919)Google Scholar, and Abrams v. United States, 250 U.S. 616 (1919)Google Scholar.

88 McCarran-Walter was officially known as the Immigration and Nationality Act, 66 Stat. 163 (1952), as amended, 8 U.S.C. Sec. 1101 et seq. (1982 & Supp. II 1984). President Harry Truman had vetoed the law, claiming, “The basic error of this bill is that it moves in the direction of suppressing opinion and belief … [in a manner] that would make a mockery of the Bill of Rights and our claims to stand for freedom in the world.” His veto was overridden.

89 Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996, 110 Stat. 1214, P.L. 104-132 (April 24, 1996)Google Scholar.

90 The Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act (2004) makes the secretary of state's designation of a group as a terrorist group permanent.

91 USA Patriot Act, P.L. 107-56 (October 26, 2001). See Cole, David and Dempsey, James X., Terrorism and the Constitution: Sacrificing Civil Liberties in the Name of National Security (New York: New Press, 2002), 153Google Scholar.

92 Cole and Dempsey, Terrorism and the Constitution, 118.

93 See ibid., 108.

94 See United States v. Rahmani, sub nom. United States v. Afshari, 426 F.3d 1150 (9th Cir. 2005).