1. Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii iskusstv, Istoriia russkoi sovetskoi muzyki, 5 vols. (Moscow, 1956), 1: 39; Institut istorii iskusstv, Ministerstvo kul'tury SSSR, Istoriia muzyki narodov SSSR, 5 vols. (Moscow, 1966), 1: 135–36; Schwarz, Boris, Music and Musical Life in Soviet Russia, 1917–1981 (1972; enl. ed., Bloomington, 1983), 55 Google Scholar; Dale, Stanley Rrehs, Soviet Composers and the Development of Soviet Music (New York, 1970), 49–50Google Scholar; McQuere, Gordon, ed., Russian Theoretical Thought in Music (Ann Arbor, 1983), 50 Google Scholar. In different periods die organization went under the name of APM and VAPM, but it is best known as RAPM.

2. Schwarz, Music and Musical Life, 57–59; McQuere, ed., Russian Theoretical Thought in Music, 50; Sitsky, Larry, Music of the Repressed Russian Avant–Garde, 1900–1929 (Westport, Conn., 1994), 7 Google Scholar; Roberts, Peter Deane, Modernism in Russian Piano Music: Skriabin, Prokofiev, and Their Russian Contemporaries (Bloomington, 1993), 1: 5.Google Scholar

3. Taruskin, Richard, Defining Russia Musically (Princeton, 1997), 92.Google Scholar

4. Fitzpatrick, Sheila, “The Lady Macbeth Affair: Shostakovich and the Cultural Puritans,” The Cultural Front: Power and Culture in Revolutionary Russia (Ithaca, 1992), 190–91Google Scholar; Frederick Starr, S., Red and Hot: The Fate of Jazz in the Soviet Union (Oxford, 1983), 84–86.Google Scholar

5. See her “Editor's Introduction” and “Cultural Revolution as Class War,” in Fitzpatrick, Sheila, ed., Cultural Revolution in Russia, 1928–1931 (Bloomington, 1978), 1–40Google Scholar. “Cultural Revolution as Class War” can also be found in Fitzpatrick, Cultural Front, 115–48.

6. Fitzpatrick, “Cultural Revolution as Class War,” 28–32.

7. For example, see Siegelbaum, Lewis, “Building Stalinism 1929–1941,” in Freeze, Gregory, ed., Russia, a History (Oxford, 1997), 304–6.Google Scholar

8. Kemp–Welch, A., Stalin and the Literary Intelligentsia, 1928–1939 (New York, 1991), 21–113.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9. Kelly, Catriona and Shepherd, David, eds., Constructing Russian Culture in the Age of Revolution: 1881–1940 (Oxford, 1998)Google Scholar; Clark, Katerina, Petersburg, Crucible of Cultural Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1995)Google Scholar, and her “The ‘Quiet Revolution’ in Soviet Intellectual Life,” in Fitzpatrick, Sheila, Rabinowitch, Alexander, and Stites, Richard, eds., Russia in the Era of NEP: Explorations in Soviet Society and Culture (Bloomington, 1991), 210–30Google Scholar; Groys, Boris, The Total Art ofStalinism: Avant Garde, Aesthetic Dictatorship, and Beyond, trans. Rougle, Charles (Princeton, 1992)Google Scholar; Stites, Richard, Russian Popular Culture: Entertainment and Society since 1900 (Cambridge, Eng., 1992)Google Scholar, and his Revolutionary Dreams: Utopian Vision and Experimental Life in the Russian Revolution (Oxford, 1989).

10. See Fox, Michael David, “What Is Cultural Revolution?” and the response by Fitzpatrick, Sheila in Russian Review 58, no. 2 (April 1999): 181–209 Google Scholar; also David-Fox, Michael, Revolution of the Mind: Higher Learning among the Bolsheviks, 1918–1929 (Ithaca, 1997)Google Scholar. Fitzpatrick's, “The ‘Soft’ Line on Culture and Its Enemies: Soviet Cultural Policy, 1922–1927,” was originally published in Slavic Review 33, no. 2 (June 1974): 267–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It can also be found in Fitzpatrick, Cultural Front, 91–114.

11. David–Fox, “What Is Cultural Revolution?” 182. On the party's early measures to establish control over the intelligentsia, see Read, Christopher, Culture and Power in Revolutionary Russia: The Intelligentsia and the Transition from Tsarism to Communism (New York, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12. David–Fox, Michael, “ Mentalité or Cultural System: A Reply to Sheila Fitzpatrick,” Russian Review 58, no. 2 (April 1999): 210.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13. However trenchant David Fox's interpretive framework is from the perspective of the party and the institutions founded to train its own intellectuals, a somewhat different view emerges when this period is considered from the vantage point of music and musicians. Music was commonly recognized as a low priority among other Third Front missions, and musicians were a peculiar type of creative intellectual. They were clearly representatives of the old cultural order, but the intractability of identifying musical “content” made their creativity seem more ideologically “neutral” than that of writers and artists. This tension was an important factor in their relations with Soviet power and is examined in detail in my book–length manuscript, “Music for the Revolution: Russian Musicians and Soviet Power, 1917–1932. “

14. The group's initial proclamation condemned the “apolitical reserve of the musical environment… the musical tastes of NEP … and the complete absence of a class approach to musical enlightenment” in schools and the conservatories. See “Assotsiatsiia proletarskikh muzykantov,” Pravda, 26 August 1923, 5. The party organization at the Moscow Conservatory also supported the project. See Smigla, P, “Iz vospominanii o Moskovskoi konservatorii dvadtsatykh godov,” Vospominaniia o Moskovskoi Gosudarstvennoi Konservatorii (Moscow, 1966), 226.Google Scholar

15. The group's most senior member, David Chernomordikov, was 54 in 1923. At 19, Lev Lebedinskii was the youngest. Although their presence was always strongly felt, communists never again dominated the organization. At the outset of the Cultural Revolution, they comprised exactly one–third of RAPM's membership. “Otchet RAPMa,” Supplement to Proletarskii muzykant, 1929, no. 1: 14.

16. The association admitted “communist–musicians” and “persons of a certain class inclination” who worked among the proletarian masses as composers, performers, and pedagogues. Sergeev, A, “Assotsiatsiia proletarskikh muzykantov,” Muzykal'naia nov', 1923, no. 1: 28.Google Scholar

17. “Otchet RAPMa,” 14. Age and professional experience made Aleksandr Kastal'skii (1856–1926), noted composer and scholar of religious music and folklore, and the ethnographer and domra specialist Grigorii Liubimov (1882–1934) important exceptions to the “typical” member profile.

18. Only four had conservatory degrees, and none of these were from Moscow (Shul'gin completed a degree in composition at the Petersburg Conservatory in 1914). With the exception of Shul'gin and Sergeev, none were party members in the 1920s.

19. The group's only female member was ZaraLevina (1907–1976). She received degrees in both composition and piano performance in 1931.

20. “Proizvodstvennyi kollektiv studentov MGK,” Muzyka i revoliutsiia, 1926, no. 1: 40.

21. RAPM formulated its first ideological platform only after the split with the ORK at the end of 1924. Two revisions (in 1926 and 1929) elaborated and retuned the organization's basic positions without eliminating their more problematic contradictions. For the two platforms, see Muzykal'naia nov', 1924, no. 12: 24–25; Muzyka i Oktiabr', 1926, no. 1: 22–24, Supplement to Proletarskii muzykant, 1929, no. 1: 3–12.

22. The first official discussion of the mass song took place in March 1926 at the First Conference on Musical Enlightenment Work sponsored by Glavpolitprosvet. See “Resoliutsiia I konferentsii po muzykal'noi politprosvetrabote,” Sovetskoe iskusstvo, 1926, no. 6: 75–78.

23. L. Shul'gin, “Massovaia pesnia,” Muzyka i revoliutsiia, 1926, no. 2: 18–19.Google Scholar

24. Note references to Trotskii's ideas and to Literatura i revoliutsiia in particular in Roslavets's editorials: “Nashi zadachi,” Muzykal'naia kul'tura, 1924, no. 1: 3–7, and “Chetyre pravila,” Muzykal'naia kul'tura, 1924, no. 2: 135–36. Also see Roslavets, N, “Sem’ let Oktiabria v muzyke,” Muzykal'naia kul'tura, 1924, no. 3: 186–89.Google Scholar

25. Lebedinskii, Lev, 8 let bor'by za proletarskuiu muzyku (Moscow, 1930), 18.Google Scholar

26. RGALI, f. 658, op. 1, d. 347, 1. 1. ( “Ustav Betkhovenskogo obshchestva “); Vserossiiskaia assotsiatsiia proletarskikh muzykantov (Moscow, 1929), 17.

27. “Otchet RAPMa, “17.

28. Sheila Fitzpatrick, “The Emergence of Glaviskusstvo, Class War on the Cultural Front: Moscow, 1928–29,” Soviet Studies 23, no. 2 (October 1971): 243.

29. “Otchet RAPMa, “18.

30. Lebedinskii, L, “Obshchestvennye gruppirovki muzykantov v RSFSR,” Revoliutsiia i kul'tura, 1928, no. 15: 61.Google Scholar

31. On Sviderskii's tenure as head of Glaviskusstvo, see Fitzpatrick, “The Emergence of Glaviskusstvo,” 242–44.

32. Korev, S, “Glaviskusstvo i rukovodstvo muzykal'noi zhizni,” Proletarskii muzykant, 1930, no. 3: 27.Google Scholar

33. RGALI, f. 658, op. 1, d. 347, 1. 6. ( “Ustav vserossiiskogo obshchestva sovremennoi muzyki “).

34. V Belyi, “O proletarskom tvorchestve i demogogakh iz ‘Muzyka i revoliutsii, '” Proletarskii muzykant, 1929, no. 3: 19.

35. “Tri dokumenty nashei epokhi,” Muzyka i revoliutsiia, 1929, no. 2: 3–7.

36. “Disput o RAPM (Muzykal'naia komissiia komakademii),” Proletarskii muzykant, 1929, no. 3: 30–33.

37. E. Braudo, “Muzyka–massam,” Pravda, 27 March 1929, 6.

38. “K polozheniiu v o–ve ‘Muzyka–massam, '” Proletarskii muzykant, 1930, no. 7: 26; “V rab. ob–ve ‘Muzyka–massam, '” Muzyka i revoliutsiia, 1929, no. 2: 29.

39. Lebedinskii later admitted that the very existence of Muzyka–massam reflected RAPM's weaknesses. See Lebedinskii, 8 let bor'by za proletarskuiu muzyku, 69–70.

40. Shteinpress, B, “Vserossiiskaia Assotsiatsiia Proletarskikh Muzykantov (RAPM) i obshchestvo ‘Muzyka–massam, '” Za proletarskuiu muzyku, 1930, no. 1: 8.Google Scholar

41. Avraamov, A, “Elektrifikatsiia muzyki,” Sovetskoe iskusstvo, 1928, no. 1: 66 Google Scholar; Tsukker, A, “Litsom k muzyke,” Persimfans, 1927–28, no. 3–4: 10 Google Scholar; Tsekhnovitser, Orest, “Novaia muzyka i proletariat,” Novaia muzyka, 1927, no. 1: 16 Google Scholar; “Pered partsoveshchaniem i konferentsiei po voprosam muzyki,” Proletarskii muzykant, 1929, no. 2: 1–5; “Nazrevshie zadachi,” Muzyka i revoliutsiia, 1928, no. 9: 3–5.

42. The stenogram of this meeting was published as: Vsesoiuznaia kommunisticheskaia partiia, Tsentral'nyi komitet, Otdel agitatsii, propagandy i pechati, Soveshchanie po voprosu muzyki, Puti razvitiia muzyki. Stenograficheskii otchet pri APPO TsK VKP (b) (Moscow, 1930).

43. Shteinpress, “Preniia po dokladu tov. Obolenskogo,” Puti razvitiia, 27–28; Belyi, “Preniia po dokladu tov. Obolenskogo,” Puti razvitiia, 33–34; Pel'she, “Preniia po dokladu tov. Obolenskogo, “Puti'.razvitiia, 43–44.

44. Revich, “Preniia po dokladu tov. Obolenskogo,” Puti razvitiia, 39.

45. Pshibyshevskii, “Preniia po dokladu tov. Obolenskogo,” Puti razvitiia, 47.

46. Chicherov, “Preniia po dokladu tov. Obolenskogo,” Puti razvitiia, 18.

47. Savolei, “Preniia po dokladu tov. Obolenskogo,” Puti razvitiia, 37; Sutyrin, “Preniia po dokladu tov. Obolenskogo,” Puti razvitiia, 21.

48. “Osnovnaia rezoliutsiia konferentsii,” Puti razvitiia, 75–80.

49. Obolenskii, L, “K otkrytiiu Vserossiiskoi muzykal'noi konferentsii,” in Pervaia vserossiiskaia muzykal'naia konferentsiia, Nash muzykal'nyi front, ed. Korev, S. (Leningrad, 1929), 5.Google Scholar

50. Kerzhentsev, “Doklad,” Puti razvitiia, 6; Obolenskii, “Doklad,” Puti razvitiia, 10; Kerzhentsev, “Zakliuchitel'noe slovo,” Puti razvitiia, 52.

51. Schwarz, Music and Musical Life, 102–3.

52. Obolenskii, “Doklad,” Puti razvitiia, 10.

53. Obviously the old technical specialists were more critical to socialist construction than musicians. But concern among the authorities that “class war” not claim too many victims was common in both areas, perhaps because music and engineering are both more ideologically “neutral” than literature and art, making expertise a more critical issue. On the technical intelligentsia, see Bailes, Kendall E., Technology and Society under Lenin and Stalin: Origins of the Soviet Technical Intelligentsia, 1917–1941 (Princeton, 1978), esp. 69–121.Google Scholar

54. Kerzhentsev, “Zakliuchitel'noe slovo,” Puti razvitiia, 53–54.

55. Stalin personally prompted the attack on Boris Pil'niak. See Kemp–Welch, Stalin and the Literary Intelligentsia, 58. Edward Brown considered the persecution of Pil'niak and Evgenii Zamiatin for collaborating with the foreign press the literary equivalents of the Shakhty affair and the Industrial Party trial. See Brown, Edward J., The Proletarian Episode in Russian Literature, 1928–32 (New York, 1953), 167.Google Scholar

56. “Plenum Soveta Vseroskomdrama: Fragment stenogrammy posviashchennyi muzykal'nym voprosam (18–19 dekabria 1931 goda),” Muzykal'naia dkademiia, 1993, no. 2: 160–77, esp. 166–68.

57. Korev, S., Muzykal'nyi front pered smotrom (Moscow, 1929), 12;Google Scholar Nikitina, “Muzyka i massy,” Nash muzykal'nyi front, 13.

58. Klara Zetkin, My Recollections of Lenin (Moscow, 1956), 19.

59. Kerzhentsev, “Zakliuchitel'noe slovo,” Puti razvitiia, 54.

60. “Zaiavleniia v Assots. Prol. Muz.,” Proletarskii muzykant, 1929, no. 5: 39–40.

61. Keldysh, Iurii, “D. Vasil'ev–Buglai,” Proletarskii muzykant, 1930, no. 8: 8–13 Google Scholar; Iu. K., , “Massovye pesni s garmon'iu Vasil'eva–Buglaia,” Za proletarskuiu muzyku, 1931, no. 1: 25–26.Google Scholar

62. Fitzpatrick, Sheila, Education and Social Mobility in the Soviet Union, 1921–34 (Cambridge, Eng., 1979), 132–.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

63. Lebedinskii, L, “Vazhneishee zveno nashei raboty,” Dovesti do kontsa bor'bu s NEPmanskoi muzyki (Moscow, 1931), 4–5Google Scholar; N. Briusova, “Na bor'bu s muzykal'nym durmanom,” Dovesti do kontsa bor'bu, 17. The intense popularity of “Kirpichiki” and RAPM's antipathy for it are discussed in Rothstein, Robert A., “The Quiet Rehabilitation of the Brick Factory: Early Soviet Popular Music and Its Critics,” Slavic Review 39, no. 3 (September 1980): 373–88.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

64. V. Vinogradov, Sud nad muzykal'noi khalturoi (Moscow, 1931), 26.

65. Ibid., 26–28.

66. For a discussion and taxonomy of popular urban music of the 1920s, see Robert A. Rothstein, “Popular Song in the NEP Era,” in Fitzpatrick, Rabinowitch, and Stites, eds., Russia in the Era of NEP, 268–94.

67. Vinogradov, V, “Opyt analyza ‘legkogo zhanra, '” Proletarskii muzykant, 1931, no. 1: 17 Google Scholar.

68. Briusova, “Na bor'bu s muzykarnym durmanom,” 17–18.

69. Their prudish critique echoed the more famous one made by Maksim Gor'kii and a more sophisticated elaboration of the same argument by Lunacharskii: See Maksim Gor'kii, “O muzyke tolstykh,” Pravda, 18 April 1928, 4 ( “The Music of the Degenerate,” The Dial, no. 85 [December 1928]: 480–84), and A. V. Lunacharskii, “Sotsial'nye istoki muzykal'nogo iskusstva,” Proletarskii muzykant, 1929, no. 4: 12–20.

70. RAPM's objections to these dances were not isolated or without precedent. Campaigns against jazz were common in the west in this period, and both the tango and the fox trot had generated considerable outcry and public debate when they first came to Russia before World War I. See Starr, Red and Hoi, 34–36, 86; Tsivian, Yurii, “The Tango in Russia,” Experiment, no. 2 (1996): 307–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Gilman, Chris, “The Fox-Trot and the New Economic Policy: A Case Study in ‘Thingification’ and Cultural Imports,” Experiment, no. 2 (1996): 443–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

71. Lebedinskii, L, “Amerikanskii tanets,” Dovesti do kontsa bor'bu, 20–22.Google Scholar

72. Vinogradov, Sud, 12–13. Shostakovich reportedly used a similar “demonstration” to “reveal” the true character of a civil war song “Za moriami, za dolami” (Over the seas, over the valleys). At a meeting of Teatr robochei molodezhi (Theater of working–class youth, TRAM), he conducted a duet pairing the RAPM–approved civil war song with the traditional lullaby “Spi mladenets moi prekrasnyi” (Sleep my lovely child). In this rendition, the two pieces sounded identical. See Marinchik, Pavel, Rozhdenie komsomol'skogo teatra (Leningrad, 1963), 225–26.Google Scholar Quoted in Wilson, Elizabeth, Shostakovich, A Life Remembered (Princeton, 1994), 79.Google Scholar

73. Naiman, Eric, Sex in Public: The Incarnation of Early Soviet Ideology (Princeton, 1997), 289.Google Scholar

74. Vinogradov, Sud, 31–48.

75. Clark, Petersburg, 16–20.

76. “Zaiavlenie 33 kompozitorov, “Dovesti do kontsa bor'bu, 33–37. Roslavets's efforts to rally support from MODPIK-Dramsoiuz during the Glaviskusstvo purge are also discussed in “Pozomyi dokument” and “Zaiavlenie Roslavetsa, “Dovesti; do kontsa bor'bu, 28–33, 37–39. These materials were also published in Proletarskii muzykant, 1930, no. 1: 31–34, and Proletarskii muzykant, 1930, no. 2: 42–43.

77. Although it is beyond the scope of this essay, Shostakovich's attitudes toward RAPM and the light genre are especially intriguing. His orchestration of “Tahiti Trot,” subsequent denouncement of the light genre (Proletarskii muzykant, 1930, no. 3: 25), work with TRAM, and the parody of Davidenko's mass song “Nas pobit', pobit’ khoteli” (They wanted to vanquish us) in the incidental music he wrote for a production of Hamlet in 1931 suggest the complexities of his place in the Cultural Revolution. See Fitzpatrick, Cultural Front, 194–99, and Taruskin, Defining Russia Musically, 93–94.

78. Blium, V, “Ob odnom ‘levom’ zagibe,” Vecherniaia Moskva, 3 July 1930, no. 151: 3.Google Scholar

79. Anisimov, G. and Krasnukh, G., “Opyt letnei raboty LOVAPM,” Proletarskii muzykant, 1930, no. 6: 26 Google Scholar; Isaenko, V, “Pochemu nravitsia tsygaxishchma.,” Za proletarskuiu muzyku, 1930, no. 5: 15 Google Scholar; Pronin, V, “Za proletarskuiu muzyku—pomog,” Za proletarskuiu muzyku, 1930, no. 5: 16 Google Scholar; “Ogon’ po khalturshchikam (pis'ma s mest),” Za proletarskuiu muzyku, 1930, no. 8: 14–15; “Ogon’ po khalturshchikam (pis'ma s mest),” Za proletarskuiu muzyku, 1930, no. 9: 17–18.

80. Lebedinskii, “Amerikanskii tanets,” 20–26; Vinogradov, Sud, 14–18; Zarzhevskii, M, “Opyt izucheniia pesen na demonstratsii,” Proktarskii muzykant, 1930, no. 9: 59–60.Google Scholar

81. RAPM's concerns over Vasil'ev Buglai's debts to folk music are addressed in Keldysh, Iu, “Problema proletarskogo muzykal'nogo tvorchestva i poputnichestvo,” Proktarskii muzykant, 1929, no. 1: 15.Google Scholar

82. One performance of Davidenko's first large–scale work, the opera 1919 g. (The year 1919, also known as Pod “em vagona), was given in November 1931 at a factory club. RAPM critics Iurii Keldysh and Lev Lebedinskii applauded this “first significant attempt” to write large-scale proletarian music and entire issues of Proktarskii muzykant and Za proletarskuiu muzyku were devoted to the piece. Yet Keldysh and Lebedinskii also found serious technical flaws in the work's music and criticized Davidenko's portrayal of the masses during the civil war. See Proktarskii muzykant, 1931, no. 9: esp. 9, 29, and 31; and Za proletarskuiu muzyku, 1931, no. 21: esp. 5–6.

83. “Plenum Soveta Vseroskomdrama: Fragment stenogrammy, posviashchennyi muzykal'nym voprosam (18–19 Dekabria 1931 goda),” Muzykal'naia akademiia, 1993, no. 2: 167, 172 (speeches by Shostakovich and Shebalin).

84. Rossiiskaia assotsiatsiia proletarskikh muzykantov, Tvorcheskii sbornik 1 (Moscow, 1931), 1.Google Scholar

85. Concerns about the skills of beginning writers and the need to reach a broad, newly literate audience also underpinned RAPP's emphasis on the literature of “small forms” in this period. At the same time, writers also wrestled with the challenge of capturing the “monumental” achievements of the first Five–Year Plan in an appropriately “revolutionary” long form. See Clark, Katerina, “Little Heroes and Big Deeds: Literature Responds to the First Five–Year Plan,” in Fitzpatrick, , ed., Cultural Revolution in Russia, 199–200.Google Scholar

86. Exceptions: Belyi's “Slyshish’ soldat” and Shekhter's “Traurnaia pesnia.” For another discussion of RAPM's output in this period, see Sokhor, A., Russkaia sovetskaia pesnia (Leningrad, 1959), 119–23.Google Scholar

87. Each issue of Zaproktarskuiu muzyku included a short lesson on “musical literacy.” Krylova, S, “Kak slushat’ operu,” Za proktarskuiu muzyku, 1930, no. 1: 8–10 Google Scholar. The proletarian musicians relied on inexpensive anthologies of (often simplified) classics and their own revolutionary compositions put out by the State Publishing House to introduce this music to the masses. See B. S., “Deshevaia notnaia biblioteka, ‘muzyka–massam, '” Za proletarskuiu muzyku, 1930, no. 1: 21–23. They also presented simplified historical–ideological introductions to Beethoven and Musorgskii. See Keldysh, Iu., “Tvorchestvo Musorgskogo,” Zaproletarskuiu muzyku, 1930, no. 2: 8–11 Google Scholar; and L. L., “Betkhoven,” Za proletarskuiu muzyku, 1930, no. 3: 9–16.

88. “O proletarskoi massovoi pesne,. “Proletarskii muzykant, 1930, no. 8: 24.

89. Congress Resolution quoted in Vinogradov, Sud, 3.

90. “Puti razvitiia muzyki—disput vkomakademii o platformakh APMi OSM, “Proletarskii muzykant, 1931, no. 1: 21.

91. “Puti razvitiia muzyki, “Proletarskii muzykant, 1931, no. 1: 20.

92. L. Lebedinskii, “O vragakh i druzhiakh proletarskoi muzyki,” Proletarskii muzykant, 1931, no. 1: 9. Linking RAPM so directly to RAPP may have been ill–advised given that the proletarian writers had their own opponents within the Communist Academy. See Fitzpatrick, “Cultural Revolution as Class War,” 29–30; Kemp–Welch, Stalin and the Literary Intelligentsia, 86–89.

93. Speech to industrial managers, 23 June 1931, in Stalin, I. V., Sochineniia (Moscow, 1951), 13: 69–.Google Scholar

94. Pervaia konferentsiia Rossiiskoi Assotsiatsii Proletarskikh Muzykantov, Rezoliutsii (Moscow, 1931), 3–34 Google Scholar. Also see Proletarskii muzykant, 1931, no. 3–4: 73–82.

95. RAPP had about 2, 000 members in this period, whereas RAPM had only 60.

96. See Brown, Proletarian Episode, 172–99.

97. Pervaia konferentsiia RAPM, Rezoliutsii, 15–20, 24–34.

98. Cheliapov, N., “O zadachakh zhurnala ‘Sovetskaia muzyka, '” Sovetskaia muzyka, 1933, no. 1: 1–5 Google Scholar; Veis, P., “O zhurnale ‘Proletarskii muzykant, '” Sovetskaia muzyka, 1933, no. 1: 126–41Google Scholar; Cheliapov, N., “Istoricheskaia godovshchina,” Sovetskaia muzyka, 1933, no. 2: 1–4.Google Scholar

99. Kriukov, N. and Shvedov, la., comps., Russkie sovetskie pesni (1917–1977) (Moscow, 1977).Google Scholar

100. For the particulars of RAPP's case, see Brown, Proletarian Episode, 87–105, 172–222.

101. Stites, Russian Popular Culture, 73; Starr, Red and Hot, 94.

102. Stites, Russian Popular Culture, 73; Rothstein, “Popular Song in the NEP Era,” 288; Martynov, N., A. A. Davidenko (Moscow, 1977), 21.Google Scholar

103. Fitzpatrick, Cultural Front, 189.

104. Stites, Russian Popular Culture, 75–76.

105. Rothstein, “Quiet Rehabilitation of the Brick Factory,” 383.

106. See Vasilii Solov'ev–Sedoi's critique of amateur songs in the sixties quoted in Smith, Gerald Stanton, Songs to Seven Strings: Russian Guitar Poetry and “Mass Song” (Bloomington, 1984), 50 Google Scholar.

107. Clark, Petersburg, ix–x, 11–12.

108. Schwarz, Music and Musical Life, 93.

109. Dmitrii Gachev (1902–1945), who perished in Magadan, was an exception. But it was his connections with Bulgarian communists rather than his activities as a musician that got him into trouble.