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2. Rossiisskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv sotsial'no-politicheskoi istorii (RGASPI), fond (f.) 606 (Akademiia nauk pri TsK KPSS), opis’ (op.) 4 (Institut nauchnogo ateizma, 1964- 78), delo (d.) 133 (Materialy konkretno-sotsiologicheskogo issledovaniia na temu “predstavleniia sovremennogo veruiushchego o boge,” provedennogo Instituta nauchnogo ateizma v gorodakh i selakh Ivanovskoi oblasti, 1964-65); RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 134 (Materialy konkretno-sotsiologicheskogo issledovaniia na temu “predstavleniia sovremennogo veruiushchego o boge,” provedennogo Instituta nauchnogo ateizma v gorodakh i selakh Ivanovskoi oblasti, 1964-66); RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 148 (Materialy konkretnosotsiologicheskogo issledovaniia “predstavleniia sovremennogo veruiushchego ob otnoshenii mezhdu liud'mi,” Pskovskaia oblast', 1964-65); RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 149 (Materialy konkretno-sotsiologicheskogo issledovaniia “predstavleniia sovremennogo veruiushchego ob otnoshenii mezhdu liud'mi,” Pskovskoi oblasti v 1964-65); RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 156 (Materialy konkretno-sotsiologicheskogo issledovaniia “predstavleniia veruiushchego o kartine mira,” Tambovskaia oblast’ 1964-65); and RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 176 (Materialy konkretno-sotsiologicheskogo issledovaniia “ob emotsial'nom vozdeistvii religioznoi obriadnosti,” Rovenskaia oblast', 1964).

3. I studied the results of four research projects archived in RGASPI and took full copies of twenty-four interviews.

4. Lovell, Stephen, “Soviet Russia's Older Generations,” in Lovell, Stephen, ed., Generations in Twentieth-Century Europe (Basingstoke, 2007), 205–26Google Scholar. Irina Paperno's study of Evgeniia Kiseleva's autobiographical notebooks is a wonderful exception. Paperno, Irina, Stories of the Soviet Experience: Memoirs, Diaries, Dreams (Ithaca, 2009), 118–58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar On the demographic imbalance, see Wood, Tony, “Russia Vanishes,” London Review of Books 34, no. 23 (December 6, 2012): 39–41, at www.lrb.co.uk/v34/n23/tony-wood/russia-vanishes (last accessed September 23,2014).Google Scholar

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9. On these dynamics, especially in the colonial and postcolonial context, see Asad, Talal, Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity (Stanford, 2003);Google Scholar Asad, Talal, “Reading a Modern Classic: W. C. Smith's ‘The Meaning and End of Religion,'” History of Religions 40, no. 3 (Fall 2001): 205–22;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Peter, der Veer van and Lehmann, Hartmut, introduction to Peter, der Veer van and Lehmann, Hartmut, eds., Nation and Religion: Perspectives on Europe and Asia (Princeton, 1999), 3–14.Google ScholarFor discussions of how these ideas work in the Russian context, see Steinberg, Mark D. and Coleman, Heather J., “Introduction: Rethinking Religion in Modern Russian Culture,” in Steinberg, Mark D. and Coleman, Heather J., eds., Sacred Stories: Religion and Spirituality in Modern Russia (Bloomington, 2007), 1–21;Google Scholar and Wanner, introduction.

10. On why atheism became so central to the revolutionaries’ mind-set, see Frede, Victoria, Doubt, Atheism, and the Nineteenth-Century Russian Intelligentsia (Madison, 2011).Google Scholar

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12. The term foil is taken from Knox, Zoe, “Preaching the Kingdom Message: The Jehovah's Witnesses and Soviet Secularization,” in Wanner, , ed., State Secularism, 244–71.Google Scholar The media's depiction of believers in the 1950s and 1960s is discussed in Dobson, Miriam, “Child Sacrifice in the Soviet Press: Sensationalism and the ‘Sectarian’ in the Post-Stalin Era,” Russian Review 73, no. 2 (April 2014), 237–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13. Yurchak, Alexei, Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More: The Last Soviet Generation (Princeton, 2006), 14.Google Scholar

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15. Luehrmann, Sonja, Secularism Soviet Style: Teaching Atheism and Religion in a Volga Republic (Bloomington, 2011), 10.Google Scholar Victoria Smolkin-Rothrock notes that Leonid Brezhnev's attempt at ideological revival at the Twenty-Fourth Party Congress, in March 1971, led to the CC resolution of July 16,1971, “on strengthening atheist work among the population” and suggests that atheist work was increasingly complex and contested. Smolkin-Rotrok, Viktoriia, “Problema ‘obyknovennoi’ sovetskoi smerti: Material ‘noe i dukhovnoe v ateisticheskoi kosmologii,” Gosudarstvo, religiia, tserkov’ 30, nos. 3-4 (2012): 430–63.Google Scholar

16. See, for example, Bourdeaux, Michael, Patriarch and Prophets: Persecution of the Russian Orthodox Church Today (London, 1969).Google Scholar

17. See, for example, the petitions written by Pentecostals in the 1970s and 1980s, preserved in the Arkhiv istorii inakomysliia v SSSR (19531987) Mezhdunarodnogo obshchestva “Memorial,” f. 103, op. 2, dd., 11 and 12, and f. 102, op. 1, d. 43. Several authors announce they would like to go to any non-atheist country.

18. Smolkin-Rothrock, Victoria, “The Ticket to the Soviet Soul: Science, Religion, and the Spiritual Crisis of Late Soviet Atheism,” Russian Review 73, no. 2 (April 2014): 171–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

19. Luehrmann, , Secularism Soviet Style, 16, 71–75.Google Scholar

20. For recent scholarship on the antireligious campaigns, see Zhidkova, “Antireligioznaia kampaniia” Paert, Irina, “Demystifying the Heavens: Women, Religion and Khrushchev's Anti-religious Campaign, 1954-1964,” in Reid, Susan E., Ilic, Melanie, and Attwood, Lynne, eds., Women in the Khrushchev Era (Basingstoke, 2004), 203–21;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Stone, , “Overcoming Peasant Backwardness“; Chumachenko, Tatiana A., Church and State in Soviet Russia: Russian Orthodoxy from World War II to the Khrushchev Years, ed. and trans. Roslof, Edward E. (Armonk, 2002);Google Scholar Shkarovskii, M. V., Russkaia pravoslavnaia tserkov’ i Sovetskoe gosudarstvo v 1943-1964 godakh: Ot “peremiriia” k novoi voine (St. Petersburg, 1995);Google Scholar Froggatt, Michael, “Renouncing Dogma, Teaching Utopia: Science in Schools under Khrushchev,” in Jones, Polly, ed., The Dilemmas of De-Stalinization: Negotiating Cultural and Social Change in the Khrushchev Era (London, 2006), 250–66;Google Scholar and Kenworthy, Scott, “The Revival of Monastic Life in the Trinity-Sergius Lavra after World War II,” in Wanner, , ed., State Secularism, 117–58.Google Scholar

21. On the 1954 decree, see Anderson, John, Religion, State and Politics in the Soviet Union and Successor States (Cambridge, Eng., 1994), 6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar On the opening of the historians' sector in 1955, see Arkhiv Rossiisskoi akademii nauk (ARAN), f. 457 (Otdelenie istoriia Akademiia nauk SSSR, 1936-1999), op. 1 (19451956), d. 390 (Perepiska s Muzeem istorii religii i ateizma o sozdanii sektora religii i ateizma pri institute istoriia, 1955), list (1.) 10. On the development in philosophy, see ARAN, f. 1922 (Institut filosoni Akademii NaukSSSR, 1936-1980), op. 1 (nauchno-organizatsionnye materialy instituta), d. 854 (protokoly zasedanii sektora ateizma, 1956).

22. One of the first field expeditions was to study “sectarians” in Tambov region and was led by A. I. Klibanov (a historian) in 1959 but also involved collaboration with colleagues from the philosophy institute, including L. N. Mitrokhin. See ARAN, f. 1922, op. 1, d. 1002 (Stenogramma soveshchaniia ob organizatsii izucheniia prichin sushchestvovaniia religioznykh verovanii i putiakh ikh preodoleniia, 1960), 11.47-60; Malakhova, I. A., “Istoricheskaia nauka v SSSR: 0 rabote nauchnoi ekspeditsii po izucheniiu sovremennogo sektantstva,” Voprosy istorii (February 1960): 218–19;Google Scholar and Mitrokhin, L. M., “Izuchenie sektantstva v Tambovskoi oblasti,” Voprosy filosofii (January 1960): 143–48.Google Scholar For ethnographers’ involvement, see ARAN, f. 457, op. 1, d. 208 (Stenogramma arkheologoetnograficheskoi sessii OIN AN SSSR, posviashchennoi itogam i perspektivam ekspeditsionnykh, 6 aprelia 1959). For a discussion of the connections between history, philosophy, ethnography, and folklore studies (presented in a positive light), see Basilov, Vladimir N., “The Study of Religions in Soviet Ethnography,” in Gellner, Ernest, ed., Soviet and Western Anthropology (New York, 1980), 231–42.Google Scholar

23. This comment was made at a meeting of scholars held at the Institute of Philosophy's Atheism Section in June 1960 to discuss “The Reasons for Religion's Survival and Methods for Overcoming It,” a volume which the team had been charged with writing by the CPSU Central Committee earlier that year. ARAN, f. 1922, op. 1, d. 1002,11. 84-89, 115-18.

24. ARAN, f. 1922, op. 1, d. 1002, 1. 45. A few years later, a Ukrainian study would make a similar argument: A. A. Eryshev gave examples of economically more developed villages that nonetheless had high levels of religious activity and compared them with others where people “lived materially worse” but were for the most part nonbelievers. Eryshev maintained that the relationship between economic factors and religiosity should be understood in more general terms, and he linked the postwar religious revival to the difficult economic circumstances of those years. Eryshev, A. A., “Opyt konkretnosotsiologicheskikh issledovanii religioznosti naseleniia na Ukraine,” in Klibanov, A. I., ed., Konkretnye issledovaniia sovremennykh religioznykh verovanii: Metodika (Moscow, 1967), 143.Google Scholar

25. ARAN, f. 1922, op. 1, d. 1002,1. 55.

26. Alymov, Sergei, “Poniatie ‘perezhitok’ i sovetskie sotsial'nye nauki v 1950-1960-e gg.,” Antropologicheskii forum, no. 16 (2012): 261–87.Google Scholar

27. ARAN, f. 1922, op. 1, d. 919 (protokoly zasedanii sektora, 1957).

28. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 1 (Proekt postanovleniia TsK KPSS o nauchnoi razrabotke problem ateizma, 1964-1970), 1.1. See also Smolkin, Victoria, “'Sviato mesto pusto ne byvaet': Ateisticheskoe vospitanie v Sovetskom Soiuze, 1964-1968,” Neprikosnovennyi zapas 65, no. 3 (2009), at magazines.russ.ru/nz/2009/3/sm5.html (last accessed October 16, 2014).Google Scholar

29. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 18 (Stenogramma nauchno-teoreticheskoi konferentsii Instituta nauchnogo ateizma “metodika i rezul'taty konkretnykh issledovanii religioznykh perezhitkov,” 22 dekabria 1964), 11.4-11.

30. Criticism of empirical approaches is particularly strong in Mitrokhin, L. N., “0 metodologii issledovanii sovremennoi religioznosti,” in Klibanov, , ed., Konkretnye issledovaniia sovremennykh religioznykh verovanii, 35–52.Google Scholar

31. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 18,1. 53.

32. Ibid., 1.54.

33. Ibid., 1. 58. For a discussion of Stalin's use of the term vintik (which he famously adopted in the 1945 Victory Parade), see Davies, R. W., Soviet History in the Gorbachev Revolution (Bloomington, 1989), 80–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar What is particularly striking is the extent to which Mandrygin's comments also made it into print, in Mandrygin, L. V., Vnutrennyi mir veruiushchego iprichiny religioznosti (Moscow, 1965), 20.Google Scholar

34. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 18,1. 4.

35. Smolkin, ‘“Sviato mesto pusto ne byvaet.'“

36. Explaining the methodology he had used, the lead researcher on a 1962 project explained that he had recruited 25 students enrolled in evening classes in the atheism department at the University of Marxism-Leninism, 116 students from the Institute of Engineering and Construction, 10 scientific workers from the medical institute, 30 agitators from the party raikom, and 5 members of the regional board of the Knowledge (Znanie) Society. Tepliakov, M. K., “Materialy k issledovaniiu religioznosti naseleniia Voronezha i Voronezhskoi oblasti,” in Klibanov, , ed., Konkretnye issledovaniia sovremennykh religioznykh verovanii, 144–45.Google Scholar Luehrmann also notes that teachers and academics recruited their students. See Luehrmann, , Secularism Soviet Style, 9.Google Scholar

37. Smolkin, “'Sviato mesto pusto ne byvaet.'“

38. Filatov, Sergei and Lunkin, Roman, “Statistika religioznoi i konfessional'noi prinadlezhnosti rossiian: Kakim arshinom merit'?,” in Filatov, S. B., ed., Religiia i rossiiskoe mnogoobrazie (St. Petersburg, 2011), 5–30.Google Scholar

39. Using anonymous questionnaires, the researchers had obtained answers from one in every twenty-seven members of the adult population. RGASPI, f. 606, op., 4, d. 131 (Otchet Voronezhskogo opornogo punkta Instituta, 1968), 11.3-7, 38-40.

40. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 131,11. 3, 6.

41. The published results of an earlier study in Voronezh gave 38 percent as atheists and 24 percent as “nonbelievers who still made some concessions to the religious attitudes of relatives or acquaintances.” Tepliakov, “Materialy k issledovaniiu,” 146. A study in Belorussia put the level of atheism as high as 68 percent. E. G. Filimonov, “Problemy konkretno-sotsiologicheskikh issledovanii religioznosti v sovetskoi literatury (196166),“ in Klibanov, ed., Konkretnye issledovaniia sovremennykh religioznykh verovanii, 229.

42. According to a Soviet publication from 1966, four surveys conducted by the Institute of Scientific Atheism in 1964-65 resulted in 906 interviews with Orthodox believers (veriushchie—priverzhentsy pravoslaviia). In fact, as we shall see, a small number of Christians of other denominations were also included. It was noted that “systematic individual work” with them had already been carried out by agitators and propagandist-atheists. Of the 906 interviews, 139 were conducted in the Tambov and Ivanovo regions. Andrianov, N. P., Lopatkin, R. A., and Pavliuk, V. V., Osobennosti sovremennogo religioznogo soznaniia (Moscow, 1966), 5, 43 Google Scholar.

43. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 133,11.122-23; RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 134,11. 85,106, 178-79.

44. The names of interviewers and informants have been changed throughout.

45. Gregory Freeze distinguishes between anticlerical sentiment (“a kind of diffuse hostility … directed mainly at clerical foibles or individual clerics“) and anticlericalism (a doctrinal movement in which “the ‘ism’ has real meaning“); the latter, he suggests, was relatively weak in nineteenth-century Russia. Anticlerical sentiment seems the most appropriate description here. Freeze, Gregory L., “A Case of Stunted Anticlericalism: Clergy and Society in Imperial Russia,” European History Quarterly 13, no. 2 (April 1983): 177–200.Google Scholar

46. On these aspects of antireligious propaganda in the 1920s, see Peris, Daniel, Storming the Heavens: The Soviet League of the Militant Godless (Ithaca, 1998), 75–86.Google Scholar

47. It is hard to identify the story. It seems most likely that she in fact refers to a story from the life of Saint Spyridon: During a time of famine, greedy grain vendors who had cunningly stocked up were selling their grain at a very high price. A poor man whose family were starving asked one vendor to show mercy, but he refused to give anything away. The poor man went to Spyridon in despair, and the following night torrential rains fell, sweeping the grains away and scattering them widely; the following morning the poor could scoop up what they needed, and the rich man was punished for his lack of mercy. Given the association between Elijah and extreme weather in Slavic culture, a misattribution seems possible. There does not, however, seem to be a sense that God was critical of the rich man's punishment. Bugaevskii, A. V., Sviatitel Spiridon, episkop Trimifuntskii: Ego zhizn', podvigi i chudotvoreniia, izlozhennye po grecheskim rukopisiam (Moscow, 2005), at spyridon-trimifuntsky.narod.ru/zitie_003.html (last accessed October 1, 2014).Google Scholar

48. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 133,11. 2-3.

49. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 18,1. 56.

50. Dragadze, “The Domestication of Religion.“

51. Bondarchuk, P. M., Religiinist’ naselennia Ukrainy u 40-80-kh rokakh XX St.: Sotsiokul'turnivplyvy, osoblyvosti, tendentsii zmin (Kiev, 2009), 134–47.Google Scholar

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53. Ibid., 11. 68-69.

54. Steve Smith explains that while the Orthodox Church never embraced the doctrine of purgatory developed by Catholic theologians, it did take up “the idea that the soul is subject to a particular judgment between the third and fortieth days after death and that it then exists in an intermediate state in the abode of the dead (Hades) until the Last ludgment. During this intermediate period the soul receives a foretaste of the blessings or damnation that will be its final fate.” Smit, Stiv [Steve Smith], “Spasenie dushi v Sovetskoi Rossii,” Neprikosnovennyi zapas 64, no. 2 (2009), at magazines.russ.ru/ nz/2009/2/ssl6.html (last accessed October 16, 2014).Google Scholar Elizabeth Warner suggests that the forty-day transitional phase is particularly important in folk beliefs. Warner, Elizabeth A., “Russian Peasant Beliefs and Practices concerning Death and the Supernatural Collected in Novosokol'niki Region, Pskov Province, Russia, 1995. Part I: The Restless Dead, Wizards and Spirit Beings,” Folklore 111, no. 1 (April 2000): 67–90;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Warner, , “Russian Peasant Beliefs and Practices concerning Death and the Supernatural Collected in Novosokol'niki Region, Pskov Province, Russia, 1995. Part II: Death in Natural Circumstances,” Folklore 111, no. 2 (October 2000): 255–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

55. According to Steve Smith, the belief that the spirit required a body of some kind in order to be individuated “meant that folk conceptions of the soul frequently construed it as a small child, or a homunculus.” Smit, “Spasenie dushi.“

56. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 134,11.178-79.

57. Ibid., 1.106.

58. Ibid., 11. 68-69.

59. Ibid., 1. 69.

60. Ibid., 1.157. Also cited in Andrianov, Lopatkin, and Pavliuk, Osobennosti sovremennogo religioznogo soznaniia, 41.

61. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 134,11.180-81.

62. Wigzell, Faith, “Reading the Map of Heaven and Hell in Russian Popular Orthodoxy: Examining the Usefulness of the Concepts of Dvoeverie and Binary Oppositions,“ Forum for Anthropology and Culture, no. 2 (2005): 347–50.Google Scholar

63. It has been argued that it was easier for a single person to preserve their faith within Soviet society than for those with a family; it was also, perhaps, more necessary. Beliakova, E. V., Beliakova, N. A., and Emchenko, E. B., Zhenshchina vpravoslavii: Tserkovnoepravo i rossiiskaia praktika (Moscow, 2011), 432.Google Scholar

64. Wigzell, “Reading the Map,” 355. See also Generozov, la. K., “Russkie narodnye predstaveleniia o zagrobnoi zhizni na osnovanii zaplachek, prichitanii, dukhovnykh stikhov,” in Sobolev, A. N., ed., Mifologiia slavian (St. Petersburg, 2000), 239.Google Scholar

65. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 134,1. 3.

66. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 133,1.124.

67. Ibid., 1.85.

68. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 134,1. 86.

69. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 133,1.106.

70. Andrianov, Lopatkin, and Pavliuk, Osobennosti sovremennogo religioznogo soznaniia, 42.

71. Avetis'ian, A. A., Kritika sovremennoi religioznoi sotsial'noi filosofii: Ocherki po istorii religii i ateizma (Kiev, 1964).Google Scholar

72. Sheinman, M. M., Khristianskii sotsializm: Istoriia i ideologiia (Moscow, 1969).Google Scholar

73. Druianov, L. and Kurochkin, P., “Pravoslavie glazami uchenykh,” Nauka i religiia, 1966, no. 5: 37.Google Scholar

74. Yurchak, , Everything Was Forever, 22.Google Scholar

75. See, for example, the oral history interview with Arkadii Darchenko in which he describes how, as students, he, his wife, and friends voluntarily participated in construction projects. Darchenko, Arkadii Olegovich, “Our Entire Generation … Welcomed Perestroika,“ in Raleigh, Donald, ed., Russia's Sputnik Generation: Soviet Baby Boomers Talk about Their Lives (Bloomington, 2008), 141–42.Google Scholar

76. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 133,1. 65.

77. Ibid., 1. 65.

78. Ibid., 1.66. On the connections between atheist work and space travel, see Smolkin-Rothrock, Victoria, “Cosmic Enlightenment: Scientific Atheism and the Soviet Conquest of Space,” in Andrews, James T. and Siddiqi, Asif A., eds., Into the Cosmos: Space Exploration and Soviet Culture (Pittsburgh, 2011), 159–94.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

79. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 133,1.124.

80. Ibid., 1.115.

81. Yurchak, , Everything Was Forever, 25.Google Scholar

82. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 133,11. 85-87.

83. Ibid., 11.77-79.

84. Ibid., 1.79.

85. Ibid., 11.77,85. Others did the same. For example, one interviewer noted that it was “interesting” that his informant (a pensioner from Ivanovo) believed that the devil takes the form of a person and lives among people, getting up to his dirty tricks and making them do bad things. See RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 134,1.68.

86. RGASPI, f. 606, op. 4, d. 133,11.1-3.

87. Klibanov's first expedition to Tambov, in 1959, it was later noted, was primarily academic in nature, but it was defended on the grounds that the findings would help local propagandists improve their work. See Krasnikov, N. P., “0 nekotorykh voprosakh raboty s veruiushchimi,” in Krasnikov, N. P., ed., Voprosy preodoleniia religioznykh perezhitkov v SSSR (Moscow, 1966), 5.Google Scholar Other scholars were keen to stress that their projects involved sustained contact between the person conducting the research and their subject, with one noting that a number of visits took place over a period of one to two months and that many of these relationships continued long after the end of the project. Tepliakov, “Materialy k issledovaniiu,” 145.

88. In a 2010 interview, R. A. Lopatkin noted that their work did not always meet with approval from the ideological department of the party's Central Committee. See “Remir Aleksandrovich Lopatkin: K 80-letiiu so dnia rozhdenia,” Gosudarstvo, religiia, tserkov’ v Rossii i za rubezhom, 2010, no. 4: 239-47.

89. Simon Huxtable explores this convergence of interests in a chapter of his dissertation on the Institute of Public Opinion based at the editorial offices of Komsomolskaia Pravda. Party leaders and government figures were initially very interested in the findings of this sociological work. See Simon Huxtable, “A Compass in the Sea of Life: Soviet Journalism, the Public, and the Limits of Reform after Stalin, 1953-1968” (PhD diss., University of London, 2013), chap. 4, “'This Number Says a Lot': The Institute of Public Opinion and the Rebirth of Polling in the Soviet Union (196068).” On the potential for common ground between party ideologues and writers in the 1960s, see Polly Jones, “The Fire Burns On? The ‘Fiery Revolutionaries’ Biographical Series and the Rethinking of Propaganda in the Brezhnev Era,” in this issue.

90. Yurchak, , Forever Was Forever, 25.Google Scholar

91. Wigzell, , “Reading the Map,” 360.Google Scholar

92. This kind of heteroglossia I describe for the 1960s continued into the post-Soviet era. See Zigon, larrett, “Aleksandra Vladimirovna: Moral Narratives of a Russian Orthodox Woman,” in Steinberg, Mark D. and Wanner, Catherine, eds., Religion, Morality, and Community in Post-Soviet Societies (Bloomington, 2008), 85–113.Google Scholar

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