1. The two best accounts of the Petrashevtsy in the English language are those found in Frank, Joseph, Dostoevsky. The Seeds of Revolt (1829–1849) (Princeton, N.J., 1976)Google Scholar and Walicki, Andrzej,A History of Russian Thought from the Enlightenment to Marxism (Oxford, 1980)Google Scholar.

2. For the official Soviet attitude to the Petrashevtsy as “Leninists before Lenin” see Leikina-Svirskaia, V. R., Petrashevtsy (Moscow-Leningrad, 1965), p. 160 Google Scholar.

3. A. P. Miliukov, for example, destroyed a diary which he had kept since the beginning of the 1840s; A. V. Nikitenko's diary has a gap between April and December 1849. Mombelli's circle only came to light accidentally with the arrest of the Petrashevtsy.

4. The leaders of the circle at Kazan’ were young university graduates and lecturers: the two younger Beketov brothers, Nikolai and Andrei, who came to Kazan’ from St. Petersburg in 1845; and the brothers Nikolai and Vladimir Blagoveshchenskii and N. V Ratovskii, who also visited Petrashevskii in the capital. Other lecturers drawn in included the famous professor of law V I. Meier and E. G. Osokin, lecturer in statistics. Among the students involved was the young V. V.Bervi (Flerovskii) (see V. V Bervi [Flerovskii], “Vospominaniia tsarstvovaniia Nikolaia Pervogo,” Golos minuvshego, 1915, no. 3; Tsentral'nyi gosudarstvennyi voenno-istoricheskii arkhiv (TsGVIA),fond 9, Glavnoe voenno-sudnoe upravlenie, opis’ 28, 1849, no. 55 [no. refers to delo number], Ozloumyshlennikakh Butasheviche-Petrashevskom, Speshneve i drugikh, chast’ 54, l. 30ob–40; Tsentral'nyigosudarstvennyi arkhiv Oktiabr'skoi Revoliutsii (TsGAOR),fond 109, 111 Otdelenie, I eksp.1849, opis’ 12, Po razyskaniiu Liprandi i doneseniiam Antonelli o Butasheviche-Petrashevskom i ego sotovarishchakh, chast’ 64, l. 17ob–18; E. A. Belov in N. G. Chemyshevskii v Saratove (Saratov, 1939), pp. 62–68; V N. Nazar'ev, “Zhizn’ i liudi bylogo vremeni,” Istoricheskii vestnik (December 1890), p. 731. On Vladimir Kaidanov's circle in Rostov, see TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849, no. 55,chast’ 43; TsGAOR, fond 109, 1 eksp. 1849, no. 214, chast’ 136, l. 23–24, 49ob. On Timkovskiiand, K. I. Beklemishev, A. P. in Reval, Delo petrashevtsev, 3 vols. (Moscow, 1937–1951), 2:414–15Google Scholar, On Tambov, Otdel rukopisei instituta literatury Akademiia Nauk S.S.S.R. (IRLI), fond 265,Arkhiv zhurnala Russkoi stariny, opis’ 2, no. 2010, Pis'ma Petrashevskogo k neizvestnomu; Delo petrashevtsev, 2:241–57. On Kostroma, ibid., 3:340, 347, 350; TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849,no. 55, chast’ 2, 11. 138–39. On sympathetic student circles in Moscow visited by Pleshcheev, seeDelo petrashevtsev, 3:2–8; Feoktistov, E. M., Vospominaniia. Za kulisami politiki i literatury (Leningrad,1929), p. 164 Google Scholar; Bestuzhev-Riumin, K. N., Vospominaniia (St. Petersburg, 1900), p. 25 Google Scholar.

5. I. P. Liprandi, “Zapiski,” Ruskaia starina, July 1872, pp. 73–77; TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28,1849, no. 55, chast’ 2, l. 4ob, 130; Delo petrashevtsev, 2:405–406. See also Dostoevskii, F. M., Diary of a Writer, 2nd ed. (Santa Barbara, Calif., 1979), p. 147 Google Scholar.

6. TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849, no. 55, chast’ 1–119; TsGAOR, fond 109, 1 eksp. 1849, no. 214, chast’ 3, l. 90–114.

7. Gertsen, A. I., Sobranie sochinenii v tridtsati tomakh (Moscow, 1954–66), 10:343–46.Google Scholar

8. In the civil service, the eager, sensitive young members of the new intelligentsia, lacking money or protection, were shunted into boring, monotonous, ill-paid jobs, in which they were tyrannized by their superiors and often were required to act as nothing more than petty clerks. According to S. F. Durov, “the fate of the poor chinovnik is more deserving of pity than the fate of a serf (Delo petrashevtsev, 3:271). The alternatives to the civil administration were little better. In the army, the savage beatings inflicted on the common soldier were enough to turn the stomach of any delicately brought-up young man. Nikolai Mombelli kept a diary of these atrocities and recorded how the army was destroying his health, stultifying his brain, and exhausting his pocket (Delo petrashevtsev, 2:242–43). Teachers were poorly paid and poorly regarded; those who became professional writers escaped the clutches of the state only to fall into the hands of rapacious publicists and booksellers. The history of Belinskii's relations with A. A. Kraevskii is a typical and by no means extreme example. Durov summed up the situation: “Talent is in the hands of, or rather trampled underfoot by, publicists who look on literature as if it were leather or tallow” (ibid., 3:191–92).

9. Dostoevskii seems to have taken certain details of Stavrogin's life from Bakunin, but the essentials of his character from Speshnev, with whom he had been much more closely involved. See Grossman, L., “Speshnev i Stavrogin,” in Spor o Bakunine i Dostoevskom (Leningrad, 1926)Google Scholar.

10. IRLI, fond 265, opis’ 2, Arkhiv zhurnala Russkoi stariny, no. 2010.

11. TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849, no. 55, chasf 43, l. Hob; Delo petrashevtsev, 3:15, 113.

12. Ibid., 1:58, 114.

13. Delo petrashevtsev, 3:18, 348; 1:10, 159.

14. Among the more extreme attacks by the Petrashevtsy on Russian conditions were D.P.Grigor'ev's manuscript A Soldier's Tale, in which an old soldier, Ivan Kremnev, looks back on the succession of miseries which have made up his life; and V V. Tolbin's sketch “Animal Lovers,” published in Finskii vestnik, a sarcastic comparison of the way landowners, and especially their wives, treated their serfs and pets. Delo petrashevtsev, 3:235; V. V. Tolbin, “Skotoliubie,” Finskii vestnik, 1847, no. 24, iii:l–7.

15. Ibid., 1:520; 2:41–42; 3:303; Evgrafov, V. E., ed., Filosofskie i obshchestvenno-politicheskie proizvedeniia petrashevtsev (Moscow, 1953), p. 193 Google Scholar; TsGAOR,/omi 1071, opis’ 1, ed. khr. 7, N. A. Speshnev, “Zametki po voprosam istorii Evropy i Rossii,” l. 1; Maikov, A. N., Sochineniia v dvukh tomakh (Kiev, 1901), 2:3 Google Scholar.

16. Delo petrashevtsev, 1:525, 539.

17. The two Petrashevtsy most heavily influenced by Comte were Maikov and Miliutin, probably the first followers of his ideas in Russia. See, for example, Maikov, Sochineniia, 2:4–40; Miliutin, V. A., Izbrannye proizvedeniia (Moscow, 1946), pp. 358–93Google Scholar. Those of the Petrashevtsy who read Hegel looked on him critically. In general they preferred the works of the Young Hegelians, especially Feuerbach. Some of the more radical Petrashevtsy, notably Speshnev and his friend Vladimir Engel'son, inclined to the extreme individualism of Max Stirner (see Speshnev's philosophical letters in Filosofskie i obshchestvenno-politicheskie proizvedeniia petrashevtsev, pp. 477–502; and IRLI, razriad 1, opis’ 5, no. 27, Pis'ma V. A. Engel'sona k A. I. Gertsenu, l. 46–47, 49, 52.

18. Institut istorii Akademiia Nauk S.S.S.R., Leningrad, Otdel drevnikh rukopisei i aktov (LOII), Pis'ma I. M. Debu, ed. khr. 2, January 18, 1854.

19. The idea of reason developing out of and explaining nature is found in the writings of both Feuerbach and Schelling and was expounded by Herzen in his Dilettantism in Science, which was widely read by the Petrashevtsy (see LOII, Pis'ma I. M. Debu, ed. khr. 2; Filosofskie i obshchestvenno-politicheskie proizvedeniia petrashevtsev, p. 431; Delo petrashevtsev, 1:498–99; Gertsen, Sobranie sochinenii, 3:111, 126–27.

20. Filosofskie i obshchestvenno-politicheskie proizvedeniia petrashevtsev, pp. 238–39

21. The practical and philosophical tone of these articles makes it fairly clear that they were written by one of the more radical Petrashevtsy. Jastrzgbski is the most obvious contender by far (particularly because of the wit displayed) but since there is no conclusive proof of his authorship, I will refer to the author simply as Finskii vestnik (see V. M. Morozov, Russkii progressivnyi zhurnal “Finskii vestnik” [Candidate diss., Leningrad University, 1961], p. 151).

22. For references to Sismondi see, for example, V A. Miliutin, Izbrannye proizvedeniia, pp. 333–35; E. G. Osokin, “O postepennom razvitii ekonomicheskikh idei v istorii,” Zhurnal ministerstva narodnogo prosveshcheniia, April 1845, p. 80. For Buret, see (review by Jastrzbski,) “Obotmenenii khlebnykh zakonov, soch. la. Linovskogo,” Finskii vestnik, 1846, no. 11, v: 112; Karmannyi slovar’ inostrannykh slov, voshedshikh v sostav russkogo iazyka, ed. N. S. Kirillov, pt. 1 (St. Petersburg,1845), p. 144; V A. Miliutin, Izbrannye proizvedeniia, p. 158n.

23. V. A. Miliutin, “Proletariat i pauperizm,” p. 3, Otechestvennye zapiski, 51 (1847), nos. 3–4, ii:l–36; (review by Jastrzgbski,) “ Ob otmenenii khlebnykh zakonov,” ibid., pp. 112–16.

24. Durov, S. F., “Khalatnik,” Nevskii almanakh na 1847–8 (St. Petersburg, 1847), pp. 189–205 Google Scholar.

25. The theme of society's perversion of human nature, especially the nature of the poor man, was one of the favorite themes of the Petrashevtsy's short stories, especially Dostoevskii's early stories(Dvoinik, Prokharchin, Netochka Nezvanova) but also those of S. F. Durov ( “Chuzhoe ditia,” Finskii vestnik, 1846, no. 10, ii:13–70); V. V Tolbin ( “Chernyi den',” ibid., 1847, no. 23, ii:117–36; “Lubin'ka,” Severnoe obozrenie, 1849, no. 1, ii:350—64); and Saltykov's account of Mariia Ivanovna's miserliness in Protivorechiia ( Saltykov-Shchedrin, M. E., Sobranie sochinenii v dvadtsati tomakh [Moscow, 1965–77], 1:80–82 Google Scholar).

26. Karmannyi slovar', pp. 123, 143.

27. (Reviews by Jastrzebski,) “O zemledelii v politiko-ekonomicheskom otnoshenii, soch. V. S. Poroshina,” Finskii vestnik, 1846, no. 11, v:92–93, and “Opyt o narodnom bogatstve, soch.V Butovskogo,” ibid., 1847, no. 12, v:3–4.

28. Delo petrashevtsev, 1:95, 514; 3:19, 225, 250; TsGAOR, fond 109, 1 eksp. 1849, no. 214, chast’ 3, l. 142.

29. O. F. Miller, “Materialy dlia zhizneopisaniia F. M. Dostoevskogo,” Biografiia, pis'ma i zametki iz zapisnoi knizhi F. M. Dostoevskogo (St. Petersburg, 1883), p. 92. Here it might be said that the Petrashevtsy had anticipated not only Herzen but Marx and Engels as well in their belief that Russia could, through the commune, pass directly from feudalism to socialism.

30. The only Petrashevtsy rich enough to think of setting up phalansteries among the peasants were Kashkin, Speshnev, and Petrashevskii himself. Kashkin planned to ask the government's permission to establish “a model farm” on his parents’ estate in Kaluga province. It was to Speshnev that Pleshcheev sent Beklemishev's essay, “O vygodakh soobshcheniia sravnitel'no s drobleniem poraznym otrasliam truda,” a detailed acount of how to transform the peasant obshchina into a Fourierist phalanstery. Speshnev spent a great deal of time in Kursk province improving his estate, but unfortunately we do not know whether he implemented any of Beklemishev's suggestions. According to V. P. Zotov, Petrashevskii built a phalanstery for his serfs, which they burned down the night before they were to move into it. This story has been questioned (V R. Leikina-Svirskaia, Petrashevtsy, p. 83), but it is just the sort of thing Petrashevskii might have done—it is difficult to believethat he, the indefatigable agitator, did not try any experiments with his peasants. The outcome is predictable and is symptomatic of the gulf that existed between the early Russian radicals and the people (V P. Zotov, “Peterburg v sorokovykh godakh,” Istoricheskii vestnik, 1890, no. 6: 541–43). There is, however, evidence of two more successful attempts to set up communal flats. The first, inwhich Dostoevskii was involved, developed from an experiment in communal eating to communal living 1845–46; the second ménage associé, referred to by Petrashevskii, was set up somewhere near Moscow at about the same time. See F. M. Dostoevskii; Pis'ma, ed. A. S. Dolinin, 4 vols. (Moscow, 1928–1959), 1:95, 112; Ianovskii, S. D., “Vospominaniia o Dostoevskom,” F. M. Dostoevskii v vospominaniiakh sovremennikov (Moscow, 1964), pp. 161, 165Google Scholar; O. F. Miller, “Materialy,” p. 70; IRLI,Arkhiv zhurnala Russkoi stariny, no. 2010.

31. Petrashevskii, for example, first wrote a moderate project, “O sposobakh uvelicheniia tsennosti dvorianskikh ili naselennykh imenii,” according to which the serfs were to be turned into “obligated peasants,” paying rent, that is, some form of compensation. The reaction of many of his friends was expressed by Khanykov: “But this is betrayal!” Later, Petrashevskii wrote a second project, calling for “the immediate and unconditional emancipation of the serfs with the land whichthey have been working, without any compensation for the landowners” (see Semevskii, V. I., M. V. Butashevich-Petrashevskii i petrashevtsy (Moscow, 1922), pp. 109–14Google Scholar; Filosofskie i obshchestvennopoliticheskieproizvedeniiapetrashevtsev, pp. 359–64; O. F. Miller, “Materialy,” pp. 88–89; TsGVIA,fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849, no. 55, chast’ 43, 11. 13–13ob; chast’ 29, l. 17; F N. L'vov, “Zapiska o delepetrashevtsev,” Literaturnoe nasledstvo. Gertsen i Ogarev, pt. 3 (Moscow, 1956), 63:180.

32. For example, TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849, no. 55, chast’ 29, l. 19; TsGAOR, fond 109,1 eksp. 1849, opis’ 12, no. 214, chast’ 4, l. 115ob; Deb petrashevtsev, 1:481, 546; 2:96; F N. L'vov, “Zapiska o dele petrashevtsev,” p. 180.

33. Filosofskie i obshchestvenno-politicheskie proizvedeniia petrashevtsev, pp. 195–96; Delo petrashevtsev, 3:235.

34. (Review by V. A. Golovinskii,) “O sushchestve nakazanii i o zavedeniiakh ispravitel'nykh, soch. shvedskogo korolia Oskara,” Finskii vestnik, 1845, no. 1, v:l–30; Pekarskii, P., “Studencheskie vospominaniia o D. I. Meiere,” Sbornik Bratchina (St. Petersburg, 1859), 1:220 Google Scholar; Delo petrashevtsev, 1:29, 35, 43; 2:426; 3:435.

35. Karmannyi slovar', p. 149; Delo petrashevtsev, 1:308; Filosofskie i obshchestvenno-politicheskie proizvedeniia petrashevtsev, pp. 261, 292–99; Bel'chikov, S. F, ed., F. M. Dostoevskii v protsesse petrashevtsev, 2nd ed. (Moscow, 1971), pp. 100–102 Google Scholar; F M. Dostoevskii, “Peterburgskaia letopis',” Sankpeterburgskie vedomosti, 1847, no. 93.

36. Delo petrashevtsev, 3:102.

37. V N. Maikov, Sochineniia, 1:35–38. This is the development of an idea found in Feuerbach (see L. A. Feuerbach, “Das Wesen des Christenthums,” Sammtliche Werke [Leipzig, 1844–66], 7:227. Similar views were expressed by many other Petrashevtsy, especially V. V Tolbin (see V V. Tolbin, “Khudozhestvennye vystavki v S-Peterburge,” Finskii vestnik, 1847, no. 22, vi:64.

38. See TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849, no. 55, chasf 55, l. 30; chast’ 43, l. 2–2ob; Delo petrashevtsev, 1:116, 118, 126, 185–86, 399; 3:116, 244, 262, 412, 441–42, for accounts of the arguments between the Petrashevtsy writers and the more philistine Petrashevskii and A. P. Balasoglo. The famous polemic between Belinskii and Maikov in the pages of Sovremennik and Otechestvennye zapiski also included this subject, Maikov's views being rather more didactic than Belinskii's (compare V.G. Belinskii, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 13 vols. (Moscow, 1953–59), 10:303–304, 312, 326 with Maikov, Sochineniia, 1:177, 190–91, 220–22).

39. For example, Delo petrashevtsev, 2:119; 3:45–48, 356.

40. Zhdanov, V. V., ed., Poety-petrashevtsy, 2nd ed. (Leningrad, 1950), p. 137.Google Scholar

41. Zhadovskaia wrote extremely simple and extremely sad poetry about the misery of life on earth, especially for women. In 1849 the Third Department considered arresting her with the rest of the Petrashevtsy but gave up for lack of evidence. See Iu. Zhadovskaia, Polnoe sobranie stikhotvorenii (St. Petersburg, 1885–86); TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849, no. 55, chast’ 2, 11. 46, 206ob–207).

42. For example, Petrashevskii explained that the intention of the entry for “National Assembly” in the Pocket Dictionary of Foreign Words, which praised the French Revolution's destruction of feudalism, was to point to revolution as the way to destroy feudalism in Russia (TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849, no. 55, chast’ 2, l. 118ob–19; Filosofskie i obshchestvenno-politicheskie proizvedeniia petrashevtsev, p. 198).

43. They collected such rumors with immense enthusiasm (see TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 29, 1849, no. 55, chast’ 2,11. 130ob, 134; Delo petrashevtsev, 1:42, 202; 2:394; 3:258) and concluded, “We've not long to wait! “

44. TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849, no. 55, chast’ 3, l. 93ob.

45. Delo petrashevtsev, 3:103; see 2:97, M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin, Sobranie sochinenii, 1:253.

46. TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849, no. 55, chast’ 2, l. 135, 180; Delo petrashevtsev, 3:159, 431, 287.

47. On the army see Delo petrashevtsev, 3:409; TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28,1849, no. 55, chast’ 3,l. 147ob (N. P. Grigor'ev's revolutionary A Soldier's Tale was clearly intended for distribution in the barracks); on the raskolniki, TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849, no. 55, chast’ 2, l 146ob, 205ob, 206; Delo petrashevtsev, 1:42–43; 3:386 (Petrashevskii hoped to influence the Siberian raskol'niki through the gold-prospector R. A. Chernosvitov; V. P. Katenev tried to establish ties with raskol'niki in Moscow through the meshchane N. F. Naumov and V. M. Shaposhnikov, who proved to be government spies); on the Petrashevtsy and Shevchenko, Delo petrashevtsev, 1:309–12; 3:407 (several of the Petrashevtsy met Shevchenko in St. Petersburg in 1845). The Petrashevtsy also envisaged spreading propaganda among the Poles, the White Russians, the Finns, in the Caucasus, and in Siberia. Like Marx, they saw the freedom and independence of oppressed nationalities as the essential prelude to the union of all peoples under socialism.

48. Irkutsk oblastnoi arkhiv, N. A. Speshnev, Pis'ma k materi, Dresden, December 29/31,1845; Shchegolev, P. E., ed., Petrashevtsy. Sbornik materialov (Moscow-Leningrad, 1923–28), 3:52, 65–66Google Scholar.

49. Delo petrashevtsev, 3:386–87, 399–400; 1:56–57, 543, 546; TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849,no. 55, chast’ 55, l. 43.

50. The main source for this circle is the agents’ reports in TsGVIA, fond 9, opis’ 28, 1849, no. 55, chasti 2 and 3. See also V. A. Engel'son, “Petrashevskii,” in A. I. Gertsen, Polnoe sobranie sochineni i ipisem, ed. M. K. Lemke, 22 vols. (Petrograd, 1915–25), 6:498.

51. The main accounts of the discussions with Chernosvitov are the evidence of Petrashevskii, Speshnev, and Chernosvitov himself in Delo petrashevtsev, vols. 1 and 3.

52. The main sources for the Brotherhood of Mutual Aid are the evidence of N. A. Mombelli, F.N. L'vov, K. M. Debu, and Petrashevskii, published in Delo petrashevtsev, vols. 1 and 3. See also F.N. L'vov, “Zapiska o dele petrashevtsev.” Mombelli was strongly influenced by the Jesuit Abbé Barruel's book Mémoires pour servir à I'histoire du jacobinisme, an imaginative exposition of the conspiracy theory of the French Revolution as the work of the “triple sects” of the philosophes, the Freemasons, and the atheist and anarchist illuminists, whose supposed conspiratorial methods are described in minute detail (see Delo petrashevtsev, 1:365).

53. The existence of the conspiracy did not come to light until 1922, with the publication of a letter by Apollon Maikov written in 1885. There are two versions of it, in Dolinin, A. S., Dostoevskii. Stat'i i material) (Moscow, 1922), 1:198 Google Scholar, and “Rasskaz A. N. Maikova o F. M. Dostoevskom i petrashevtsakh,” Istoricheskii vestnik, 1956, no. 3:224––25.

54. N. G. Chernyshevskii, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 16 vols. (Moscow, 1939–50), 1:274 (April 25, 1849).

55. Ibid., 1:196.

56. The fourth dream of Vera Pavlovna is an ecstatic vision of Fourierism applied to the Russian countryside (ibid., 10:277–84).

57. For a comparison of Chernyshevskii's and Maikov's theories of art see T. I. Usakina, Petrashevtsy i literaturno-obshchestvennoe dvizhenie sorokovykh godov XIX v. (Saratov, 1965).

58. Akhsharumov, D. D., Iz moikh vospominanii (1849–51g.) (St. Petersburg, 1905), p. 16 Google Scholar.

59. F. M. Dostoevskii, Diary of a Writer, pp. 147, 311.

60. The four who did not come back were Filippov, who died in battle; Khanykov, who perished from cholera; Grigor'ev, who went mad; and Petrashevskii himself. In Siberia, his dogged insistence on standing up for his own rights and those of others earned him the bitter enmity of the authorities, who exiled him progressively farther away from centers of civilization. He died in 1866 in Bel'skoe, a tiny village of wooden huts in the Siberian forest, some say poisoned on the orders of Governor-General Murav'ev (see Demor, V P., M. V. Butashevich-Petrashevskii (Petrograd, 1920), pp. 20–32 Google Scholar

61. On Speshnev's acquaintance with Chernyshevskii, see Chernyshevskaia, N. M., Letopis’ zhizni i deiatelnosti N. G. Chernyshevskogo (Moscow, 1953), p. 82 Google Scholar.

62. TsGAOR,/end 109,1 eksp. 1855, opis’ 12, no. 269, O predstavlennoi d'iakonom Alekseem Metropol'skim bezimiannoi zapiske vosmutitel'nogo soderzhaniia.

63. TsGAOR, fond 109, 1 eksp. 1849, opis’ 12, no. 214, chast’ 144, 11. 122, 125–26. See Emmons, Terence, The Russian Landed Gentry and the Peasant Emancipation of 1861 (Cambridge, 1968)Google Scholar.

64. TsGAOR, fond 109, 1 eksp. 1849, opis’ 12, no. 214, chast’ 30, I. 150, June 1862.

65. Tsentral'nyi gosudarstvennyi istoricheskii arkhiv, Leningrad (TsGIAL), fond 1282, Kantseliariia ministerstva vnutrennykh del, opis’ 1, no. 226, l. 25ob. In Kazan’ in 1864, Golovinskii had founded a society of fifty people who sat round a table covered with a red cloth and discussed the proposed legal reforms.

66. IRLI, razriad 1, opts’ 5, no. 27, l. 33–36, 43 (July 10, 1854 and December 8, 1852).

67. See Porokh, I. V., Istoriia v cheloveke. N. A. Mordvinov—deiateV obshchestvennogo dvizheniia v Rossii 40–80gg. XIX v. (Saratov, 1971), pp. 48–49, 58–6.Google Scholar

68. L, G. Dostoevskaia, quoted in O. F. Miller, “Materialy,” p. 80.