1 Mardin, Sherif, “The Mind of the Turkish Reformer, 1700-1900,” Western Humanities Review, XIV, No. 4 (Autumn, 1960), 420-21.Google Scholar

2 Rosenthal, Erwin I. J., Political Thought in Medieval Islam (Cambridge, Eng., 1958), pp. 229-33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3 [Mouradgea, Ignatius] d'Ohsson, , Tableau général de I'Empire othoman (4 vols, in 5 books; Paris, 1788-1820), IV, Part 2, pp. 483–613.Google Scholar

4 This is the interpretation I emphasize in a paper on Balkan social structure, at present with the University of California Press.

5 For a discussion of value culture and reality culture, see Kroeber, A. L., “Reality Culture and Value Culture,” The Nature of Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952), pp. 152-66.Google Scholar

6 On the ‘ulemâ and the non-Muslim orders, see H. A. R. Gibb and Harold Bowen, Islamic Society and the West: A Study of the Impact of Western Civilization on Moslem Culture in the Near East, Vol. I: Islamic Society in the Eighteenth Century, Part 2 (London, New York, Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1957), pp. 70-113, 207-61.

7 I have obtained the data for grain prices in Dubrovnik in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries from Tadić, Jorjo, “Organizacija dubrovacltog pomorstva u XVI veku,” Istoriski časopis, I, No. 1-2 (Belgrade, 1948), 95–96 Google Scholar; for grain prices in Dubrovnik in the eighteenth century from Vinaver, Vuk, “Cene i nadnice u Dubrovniku XVIII veka,” Istoriski časopis, IX-X, 1959 (Belgrade, 1960), p. 323 Google Scholar; for wheat prices in Salonika from Svoronos, N. G., Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siecle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956), pp. 87–88 Google Scholar; for grain prices in Istanbul in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries from Hinz, Walther, “Lebensmittelpreise im mittelalterlichen Vorderen Orient,” Die Welt des Orients, II (Göttingen, 1954), 52–70 Google Scholar; and for wheat prices in Istanbul in the eighteenth century from the Archives Nationales, Paris, Af. Etr. B1 407, June 2, 1733, and B1 448, April 23, 1789. For further details on price movements in Dubrovnik, Ljubljana, East Central Europe, and the Near East, see Hoszowski, Stanislas, “L'Europe centrale devant la révolution des prix: XVIe et XVIIe siècles,” Annates (Economies, SociétéS, Civilisations), XVI, No. 3 (May-June, 1961), 441-56Google Scholar, and Alfred Dieck, “Lebensmittelpreise in Mitteleuropa und im Vorderen Orient vom 12. bis 17. Jahrhundert,” Zeitschrift fur Agrargeschichte und Agrarsoziologie, III, No. 2 (Oct., 1955), 157-60.

8 1 have obtained the wage data from Hinz, “Lebensmittelpreise,” Welt des Orients, II, 70, and Mantran, Robert, “Règlements fiscaux ottomans: la police des marchés de Stamboul au début du XVIeme siècle,” Les Cahiers de Tunisie, IV, No. 2 (1956), 233 Google Scholar, for wages in Istanbul during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; Archives Nationales (Paris), Af. Etr. B1 438, Apr. 11, 1763, and B1 905, Apr. 27, 1774, for wages in Istanbul in the eighteenth century; and Vinaver, Vuk, “Monetarna kriza u Turskoj (1575-1650),” Istoriski glasnik (1958), No. 3-4, p. 147, n. 160Google Scholar, for wages in Dubrovnik during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and Vinaver, “Cene i nadnice,” Istoriski časopis, IX-X, 316-22, for wages in Dubrovnik during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Spatial limitations do not permit me to include a graphic presentation of the price and wage curves.

9 Braudel, Fernand, La Meéditerraneée et le monde méditerranéen à I'époque de Philippe II (Paris: Armand Colin, 1949), pp. 268-93, 347-420.Google Scholar

10 Ibid., pp. 418-19.

11 Âfet İnan, Aperçu général sur I'histoire économique de I'Empire turc-ottoman, “Publications de la Société d'histoire turque,” Ser. VIII, No. 6 (Istanbul: Maarif Matbaasi, 1941), pp. 59-60.

12 Except for the emphasis on price inflation, the above interpretation is derived from Sabri F. Ülgener, İktisadî inhitat tarihimizin ahlâk ve zihniyet meseleleri (Moral Concepts and Mentality in the Economic Decline of the Ottoman Empire), “Publ. de la Faculté des Sciences Economiques,” No. 55 (Istanbul, 1951), as reviewed by Ömer Lûtfi Barkan, in Revue de la Faculteé des Sciences Économiques de I'Université d'Istanbul, XI (1949-50), 189-95.

13 Sabri F. Ülgener, “La morale des métiers depuis le XlVème siècle et les critiques qui leur ont été adressees,” ibid., XI, 59-66.

14 Josef von Hammer-Purgstall, Histoire de I'Empire ottoman depuis son origine jusqu'à nos jours, trans, from the German by J. J. Hellert (Paris, 1835-43), VII, 235-38; VIII, 47-48, 287-306; IX, 208-10. See also Rycaut, Sir Paul, The History of the Turkish Empire from the Year 1623 to the Year 1677 (London, 1687), pp. 28, 32, 38 Google Scholar; Kreševljakovič, Hamdija, “Gradska privreda i esnafi u Bosni i Hercegovini (od 1463 do 1851),” Godišnjah Istoriskog Društva Bosne i Hercegovine, I (Sarajevo, 1949), 194-95.Google Scholar

15 Archives Nationales (Paris), Af. Etr. B¹ 402, letters from Villeneuve, dated Sept. 15, Oct. 7, Nov. 13, and Nov. 29, 1730; Af. Etr. B¹ 403, letters from Villeneuve, dated Feb. 18, Mar. 28, Apr. 15, and Aug. 10, 1731; Af. Etr. B¹ 407, letter from Villeneuve, Jan. 21, 1733; Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv (Vienna), St. A. Türkei V/9, pp. 131-34, unsigned letters in French, June 26 and June 30, 1740; Shay, Mary Lucille, The Ottoman Empire from 1720 to 1734 as Revealed in Despatches of the Venetian Baili (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1944), pp. 27–37 Google Scholar.

16 On the growth of towns in the Ottoman Empire during the sixteenth century, see Ömer Lütfi Barkan, “La ‘Méditerranée’ de Fernand Braudel vue d'Istamboul,” Annales (Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations), IX, No. 2 (Apr.-June, 1954), 192-93Google Scholar; Ömer Lûtfi Barkan, “Quelques observations sur l'organisation économique et sociale des villes ottomanes des XVIe et XVIIe siècles,” Recueils de la Société Jean Bodin, Vol. VII: La Ville, Part 2: Institutions Sconomiques et société (Brussels, 1955), pp. 292-93.

17 On the çiftliḳ regime and maize cultivation, see Traian Stoianovich, “Land Tenure and Related Sectors of the Balkan Economy, 1600-1800,” Journal of Economic History, XIII (Fall, 1953), 398-411; for a further discussion of the diffusion of maize to the Balkans, see Stoianovich, Traian and Haupt, Georges C., “Le maiïs arrive dans les Balkans,” Annales (Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations), XVII, No. 1 (Jan.-Feb., 1962), 84–93 Google Scholar.

18 Pouqueville, F. C. H., Voyage en Morée, a Constantinople, en Albanie, et dans plusieurs autres parties de I'Empire othoman, pendant les années 1798, 1799, 1800 et 1801 (Paris, 1805), I, 265.Google Scholar

19 For a very able treatment of this subject, see N. Pantazopoulos, “Öffentlich-rechtliche Institutionen der Griechen während der türkischen Herrschaft” (Sonderdruck, Internationalrechtliche und Staatsrechtliche Aushandlungen, Festschrift fiir Walter Schdtzel) (n.p., n.d.), pp. 1-10 (in the Festschrift, the pages are 363-72).

20 Ömer Lûtfi Barkan, “Les Déportations comme méthode de peuplement et de colonisation dans 1'Empire ottoman,” Revue de la Faculté des Sciences Èconomiques de I'Université d'Istanbul, XI (1949-50), 128, 131.

21 In any event, this was apparently true in Serbia. Popović, Cf. D. J., O hajducima (Belgrade: Narodna Štamparija, 1930-31), II, 129.Google Scholar

22 For an excellent brief survey of the Serbian revolution, see Vucinich, Wayne S., “Marxian Interpretations of the First Serbian Revolution,” Journal of Central European Affairs, XXI, No. 1 (Apr., 1961), 3–14.Google Scholar