1 On the rather more corporeal manifestations of the 1905–1907 Revolution, see, for example, Blobaum, Robert E., Rewolucja, Russian Poland, 1904–1907 (Ithaca, 1995);Google Scholar Bonnell, Victoria, Roots of Rebellion: Workers’ Politics and Organizations in St. Petersburg and Moscow, 1900-1914 (Berkeley, 1983);Google Scholar Engelstein, Laura, Moscow, 1905: Working-Class Organization and Political Conflict (Stanford, 1982);Google Scholar Reichman, Henry, Railwaymen and Revolution: Russia, 1905 (Berkeley, 1987);Google Scholar Weinberg, Robert, The Revolution of 1905 in Odessa: Blood on the Steps (Bloomington, 1993).Google Scholar

2 Some of the studies of cartoons of the 1905 era that have informed this study include: Margaret Bridget Betz, “The Caricatures and Cartoons of the 1905 Revolution: Images of die Opposition” (Ph.D diss., City University of New York, 1984); Botsiavnovskii, Vladimir and Gollerbakh, E. F., eds., Russkaia satirapervoi revoliutsii 1905-1906 (Leningrad, 1925);Google Scholar Demchenko, E. P. [Evgeniia Petrovna] Politicheskaia grafika v pechati Ukrainy, 1905- 1907 (Kiev, 1984);Google Scholar Isakov, Sergei, 1905 god v satire i karikature (Leningrad, 1928);Google Scholar Nemirovskii, E. L., ed., Russkaia satiricheskaiaperiodika, 1905-1907gg. (Leningrad, 1980);Google Scholar and Shleev, V. V [Vladimir Vasil'evich] ed., Revoliutsiia 1905-1907 goda i izobrazitel'noe iskusstvo, vol. 3 (Moscow, 1977).Google Scholar My assessment of Russian Jews’ reliance on Yiddish is based on information culled from the census of 1897. The results of this census are summarized in a variety of sources. See, for example, “Gramotnost’ evreev v Rossii,” in Evreiskaia entsiklopediia (St. Petersburg, 1908-1913). This information is also summarized in English by Rubinow, I. M., Economic Conditions of the Jews in Russia, vol. 15 (New York, 1907;Google Scholar reprint, New York, 1976). At roughly the same time as the Russian census was collected, the Jewish Colonization Association undertook its own study of Russian Jewry. These findings are reported in Sbornik materialov ob ekonomicheskom polozhenii Evreev v Rossii (St. Petersburg, 1904).

3 By the turn of the century, nearly 50 percent of Russian Jewish men and 21 percent of Russian Jewish women between the ages of 10 and 50 could claim literacy in Russian; for urban dwellers, diese literacy figures were 51 percent for males and 35 percent for females. Indeed, these figures may underestimate the number of Jews who were fluent in Russian. In judging literacy levels, the census defined Jews by language, not nationality. Thus nearly 200,000 Jews who identified their mother tongue as Russian (including some who wished to disassociate themselves from Yiddish for political reasons) were not counted as literate Jews.

4 Feldman, Eliyahu, Yehude rusyah bi-yeme ha-mahpekhah ha-rishonah veha-pogromim (Jerusalem, 1999).Google Scholar Lambroza, Shlomo, “The Pogroms of 1903-1906,” in Klier, John D. and Lambroza, Shlomo, eds., Pogroms: Anti-Jewish Violence in Modern Russian History (Cambridge, Eng., 1992), 195–248.Google Scholar See also his lengthier analysis in Shlomo Lambroza, “The Pogrom Movement in Russia, 1903–1905” (Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1981).

5 The most thorough exploration of the Bund’s rise to power may be found in Frankel, Jonathan, Prophecy and Politics, Socialism, Nationalism, and the Russian Jews, 1862- 1917 (Cambridge, Eng., 1981).CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Gassenschmidt, Christoph, Jewish Liberal Politics in Tsarist Russia, 1900–1914: The Modernization ojRussian Jewry (Oxford, 1995);Google Scholar Tobias, Henry J., The Jewish Bund in Russia from Its Origins to 1905 (Stanford, 1972).Google Scholar

6 In 1903, in the wake of the Kishinev pogrom, Theodor Herzl proposed that the Zionist movement accept the British government’s tentative offer of Uganda as a destination for the mass setdement of Jews. The proposal caused a schism in the movement between those territorialists who would settle for nothing less than the settlement of the Jews in Palestine and diose who sought an immediate solution to the Russian Jewish “problem. “ The failure of Herzl’s proposal caused widespread disillusionment with the movement, which was failing to realize its territorial ambitions. See, for example, Reinharz, Jehuda and Shapira, Anita, eds., Essential Papers on Zionism (New York, 1996);Google Scholar Maor, Yitzhak, Ha-tenu'ah ha-tsiyonit be-rusyah (Jerusalem, 1986);Google Scholar and Vital, David, Zionism: The Formative Years (Oxford, 1982).Google Scholar

7 Steven Zipperstein has described how, in the era of the 1905 Revolution, Zionist theoretician Ahad Ha'am watched with concern as this occurred. But Ahad Ha'am himself was unable to resist becoming preoccupied with the struggle for parliamentary reform. Zipperstein, Steven, Elusive Prophet, Ahad Ha ‘am and the Origins of Zionism (Berkeley, 1993).Google Scholar For general treatment of the evolution of Russian Jewish politics in this era, see Frankel, Prophecy and Politics; Gassenschmidt, Jewish Liberal Politics in Tsarist Russia.

8 This study relies on a thorough study (rather than a random sampling) of Der fraynd and Dos Mm from their emergence until their closure. For comparative purposes, I have also consulted relevant periodicals in Hebrew, Yiddish, and Russian. I offer a more thorough description of the creation of Der fraynd, and the state of Russian Yiddish publishing in the empire at the turn of the century, in my forthcoming book, Makingfews Modern: Yiddish and Ladino Press in the Russian and Ottoman Empires (Bloomington, 2003). See also Eliashevich, D. A., Evrei v Rossii: Istoriia i kul'tura: Sbornik nauchnykh trudov, vol. 5, Trudy po iudaike: Istoriia i etnografiia (St. Petersburg, 1998);Google Scholar Druk, Dovid, Tsu der geshikhte fun der yidisher prese in rusland un poylen (Warsaw, 1920);Google Scholar Tsitron, Shmuel Leyb, Di geshikhte fun der yidisher prese fun yorn 1863-1889 (New York, 1923);Google Scholar Rapoport, Shabsay, “Der onheyb fun ‘fraynd,’” Yoyvleum-baylage fraynd, tsenteryorgang, no. 12 (1913): 2–5;Google Scholar Khiterer, Viktoriia, Dokumenty sobrannyeEvreiskoi istoriko-arkheograficheskoi komissiei (Kiev, 1999);Google Scholar Fishman, David E., “The Politics of Yiddish in Tsarist Russia,” in Frerichs, Ernest, Neusner, Jacob, and Sarna, Nahum, eds., From Ancient Israel to Modern Judaism, Intellect in Quest of Understanding: Essays in Honor of Marvin Fox. The Modern Age: Theology, Literature, History (Atlanta, 1989), 155–73;Google Scholar and Ginzburg, Shoyl, Amolikepeterburg, vol. 1, Historishe verk (New York, 1944)Google Scholar.

9 In contrast to most Russian-language dailies, which tended to circulate within particular cities, Der fraynd’s readership was spread throughout the empire’s western provinces, and many of its contributors and readers lived, not in St. Petersburg, but in Warsaw (a fact that provoked considerable friction between its editors and journalists). There is some debate about the newspaper’s reach. Zalman Reyzen gives Der fraynd a circulation of only 50,000; editor Shoyl Ginzburg estimates it to have been 90,000; and Dovid Druk, historian of the Yiddish press, who offers the most tfiorough accounting of the history of Yiddish publishing, cites an even higher figure of 100,000. Reyzen, Zalman, Leksikonfun der yidisher literatur, prese, unfilologye (Vilna, 1926);Google Scholar Ginzburg, Amolike peterburg; and Druk, Tsu der geshikhte fun der yidisher prese.

10 These fears were to some extent well founded; the Jewish socialist underground press, printed abroad and smuggled to Russian Jewish readers was—like the Bundist movement as a whole—swifdy gaining popularity at the turn of the century. Further, officials at the ministry lacked the means to effectively censor and control Yiddish in print. Available censors tended to be converts or Hasidic opponents of secular Jewish culture, both of whom the ministry distrusted. Recent explorations of Russian archives have considerably deepened our understanding of die nature of state censorship of Yiddish sources.

11 One consequence of the Ministry of Internal Affairs’s policies was the enforced dependence of Yiddish readers in Congress Poland on periodicals published in Odessa (in the last decades of the nineteenth century) and St. Petersburg (in the first years of the twentieth). This proved inconvenient, as readers received their papers after a delay of several days and these sources tended to be oblivious to local news. But it also highlighted the political schisms that divided Jewish intellectuals in these erstwhile and up-and-coming literary centers. The founders of Derfraynd gained the approval of the Ministry of Internal Affairs because of their Russophilism, but readers and writers of Yiddish in Warsaw voiced criticism of the paper’s disinterest in affairs in “the provinces” in general, and in Warsaw in particular, a city that would soon outpace Odessa and St. Petersburg as the Yiddish literary center of eastern Europe. Derfraynd’s editors in turn disdained the more radical literary and political sensibilities of Warsaw’s emerging literary elite. As Warsaw’s preeminence rose, the paper’s editorial board saw no option but to succumb to the new norms in Yiddish publishing. Subsequently, the paper relocated to Warsaw, a move critics viewed as a superficial reckoning with a deeply rooted problem. I describe this dynamic in more detail in my book, Making Jews Modern. See also Shmeruk, Chone, “Aspects of the History of Warsaw as a Yiddish Literary Center,” in Bartoszewski, Wladyslay T. and Polonsky, Antony, eds., Thejews in Warsaw: A History (Oxford, 1991), 232–46.Google Scholar

12 “Macedonia,” Derfraynd, no. 31 (10 [23] February 1903).

13 Editor Shoyl Ginzburg has recalled with satisfaction how Israel Landau, the Hasidic censor assigned to Derfraynd, could be fovind on a nighdy basis chatting with workers and laughing out loud at Sholem Aleichem’s latest installment. Ginzburg’s lengthy description of Landau can be found in his memoirs: Ginzburg, Amolike peterburg, 224–27.

14 The realignment of Jewish parry politics in the early years of the twentieth century is described in detail in Feldman, Yehude rusyah; Frankel, Prophecy and Politics; Gassenschmidt, Jewish Liberal Politics in Tsarist Russia.

15 Der bezim pre-dated Dos lebn but appeared as an independent supplement only in 1906. Prior to this year, Derfraynd had published two satirical issues within the main body of the newspaper: on both occasions, the supplement was tided Der tog. Edward Portnoy has suggested that the first Yiddish cartoon appeared in 1904 in die Warsaw-based Peysekh-blat, a collection of poems related to Passover. As Portnoy notes, this cartoon is interesting because it was the first, but it did not immediately initiate a trend. Significantly, it was also not penned for this journal but appropriated from anodier (the New York Der yidisher pok). Edward Portnoy, “Exploiting Tradition: Religious Iconography in Cartoons of the Polish Yiddish Press,” Polin (forthcoming).

16 Dos lebn, no. 88 (12 April [4 May] 1906).

17 Dos lebn, no. 93 (27 April [10 May] 1906).

18 Dos lebn, no. 144 (30June [13July] 1906);Dos lebn, no. 59 (13 [26] March 1906).

19 A reproduction of Brodskii’s poster can be found in Shleev, “Peterburg,” Revoliutsiia 1905–1907goda i izobrazitel'noe iskusstvo, vol. 3.

20 Dos lebn, no. 89 (23 April [6 May] 1906).

21 Botsiavnovskii and Gollerbakh, eds., Russkaia satirapervoi revoliutsii.

22 Ruud, Charles A., “The Printing Press as an Agent of Political Change in Early-Twentieth Century Russia,” Russian Review 40, no. 4 (1981): 378–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar McReynolds, Louise, The News under Russia’s Old Regime: The Development of a Mass-Circulation Press (Princeton, 1991).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23 Strikingly, Liakhovskii rarely signed his contributions to Dos lebn, making it difficult to determine with certainty which cartoons he penned. Those that he did sign bear the Russian initials “A. L.” Neither die publication of anonymous cartoons, nor die signing of one’s name in Russian was exceptional in the still-young world of Yiddish cartooning. The fact that Liakhovskii chose to sign his name in Russian reflects his comfort in the language: the language, after all, in which he was being trained as an artist. But it also points to the ease with which he moved between die symbiotic worlds of Yiddish and Russian letters and between die intersecting worlds of Jewish and Russian politics. At the same time, Liakhovskii’s Russian-language signature suggests the extent to which die artist’s cartoons and their radical message were grafted onto this once-moderate Yiddish periodical. References to Liakhovskii’s publications in Udav and Seryi volk can be found in Nemirovskii, ed., Russkaia satiricheskaia periodika, 98, 106.

24 Milner, John, A Dictionary of Russian and Soviet Artists, 1420–1970 (Woodbridge, Eng., 1993), 244.Google Scholar Shleev, ed., Revoliutsiia 1905-1907goda, 110.

25 Liakhovskii also exhibited with the Kuindzhi Society, the Assotsiatsiia khudozhnikov revoliutsii, and The Sixteen. After the Revolution of 1917, he would produce Agitprop decorations. He later emigrated and exhibited internationally. See Milner, Dictionary of Russian and Soviet Artists. Information about Mir iskusstva may be found in Bowlt, John E., The Silver Age: Russian Art of the Early Txventieth Century and the “World of Art” Group (Newtonville, 1979).Google Scholar See also Kamenskii, Alexander and Petrov, Vsevolod, The World of Art MovementinEarly Twentieth Century Russia (Leningrad, 1991);Google Scholar Kennedy, Janet, The “Mir Iskusstva“ Group and Russian Art, 1898-1912 (New York, 1977);Google Scholar Strelkov, Aleksandr, Mir iskusstva (Moscow, 1923);Google Scholar and Parshin, Sergei, Mir iskusstva (Moscow, 1993).Google Scholar

26 Thanks to die work of Evgeniia Petrovna Demchenko, Ukrainian-language satirical sources have also received scholarly attention. Demchenko, , Politicheskaia grafika Kieva, perioda revoliutsii, 1905-1907 (Kiev, 1976);Google Scholar Demchenko, Politicheskaia grafika v pechati Ukrainy. See also Botsiavnovskii and Gollerbakh, eds., Russkaia satirapervoi revoliutsii; and the many fine contributions to Shleev, ed., Revoliutsiia 1905–1907 goda. Readers of English may turn to King, David and Porter, Cathy, Images of Revolution: Graphic Art from 1905 Russia (New York, 1983).Google Scholar

27 Strikingly, die editors of Derfraynd and Dos lebn made no mention of the journals' turn to cartoons (or to socialism) in their otherwise extensive memoiristic writings. One senses that as the popularity of the Bund faded in the wake of revolution, those associated with Derfraynd preferred to overlook die paper’s flirtations with the opposition in order to emphasize its Zionist legacy. The failure of most scholarly studies of the Yiddish press to recognize the importance of cartooning and the satirical supplement as genres may be noted in the following sources: Druk, Tsu der geshikhte fun der yidisher prese, 30; Slutzky, Yehuda, Ha-itonut ha-yehudit-rusit bemeah ha-esrim (1900–1918) (Tel Aviv, 1978).Google Scholar Fortunately, a forthcoming article presents the history of the Polish Yiddish satirical press for the first time: Portnoy, “Exploiting Tradition. “

28 By way of contrast, most satirical journals of the 1905 period were designed for a narrow and often internal readership, and for one that was recognized as fleeting. The authors of Russkaia satira, a volume published in Leningrad in 1925, have suggested that each copy of Russian satirical journals reached between five and ten readers and that each journal could claim a circulation of around 15,000. These seem rather inflated figures—perhaps a product of the ideological euphoria marking the era in which this work was produced. Botsiavnovskii and Gollerbakh, eds., Russkaia satira pervoi revoliutsii, 37.

29 See King and Porter, Images of Revolution.

30 Leshii, no. 3 (1906).

31 Piatsii, undated 1906. This cartoon is reproduced in Russkaia satira, where it is incorrectly attributed it to B. Anisfeld. Botsiavnovskii and GoUerbakh, eds., Russkaia satira pervoi revoliutsii.

32 Piatsii, undated 1906.

33 This and related visual diagnostics have been informed by die following sources: FitzLyon, Kyril and Browning, Tatiana, Before the Revolution (London, 1977);Google Scholar Lyons, Marvin, Nicholas II: The Last Tsar (New York, 1974);Google Scholar Obolensky, Chloe, The Russian Empire: A Portrait in Photographs (New York, 1979);Google Scholar and Elliott, David, Photography in Russia 1840-1940 (London, 1992);Google Scholar

34 Dos lebn, no. 112 (25 May [7June] 1906).

35 Dos lebn, no. 140 (26 June [9 July] 1906).

36 Ovod, no. 1 (undated 1906): 5.

37 Svoboda, undated 1906.

38 Sekira, 6 January 1906.

39 Dos lebn, no. 132 (17 [30] June 1906). Interestingly enough, Palmira Brummett has described the appearance of a similar cartoon in a Turkish satirical journal of the 1908 Revolt. In it, a bound and seated female “Turkey” towers over a group of men gathered at her feet, each representing a different European nation. See Palmira Brummett, “Dogs, Women, Cholera, and Other Menaces in the Streets: Cartoon Satire in the Ottoman Revolutionary Press, 1908–11,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 27 (1995): 433-60.

40 Engelstein, Laura, The Keys to Happiness: Sex and the Search for Modernity inFin-de- Sieck Russia (Ithaca, 1992);Google Scholar Joan, Neuberger, Hooliganism: Crime, Culture, and Power in St. Petersburg, 1900–1914 (Berkeley, 1993).Google Scholar One thinks also of the feverish coverage of student suicides (young women among them) during the revolutionary era, a trend that Susan Morrissey has associated with the rejection of the corruption and mundane nature of daily life in early twentiedi-century Russia. Morrissey, Susan K., Heralds of Revolution: Russian Students and the Mythologies of Radicalism (Oxford, 1998), 178–205.Google Scholar

41 Paula Hyman has explored ways in which this gender dynamic was experienced socially and economically: Naomi Seidman has considered its more metaphoric incarnations. Hyman, Paula A., Gender and Assimilation in Modern Jewish History: The Roles and Representation of Women (Seattle, 1995);Google Scholar Seidman, Naomi, A Marriage Made in Heaven: The Sexual Politics of Hebrew and Yiddish (Berkeley, 1997).Google Scholar See also Stampfer, Shaul, “Gender Differentiation and Education of the Jewish Woman in Nineteenth-Century Eastern Europe,“ Polin 7 (1994): 63–87.Google Scholar

42 Rogger, Hans, “The Formation of the Russian Right: 1900–1906,” Jewish Policies and Right-Wing Politics in Imperial Russia (Berkeley, 1986), 188–212;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Engelstein, Keys to Happiness.

43 Signal, 18January 1906.

44 Dos lebn, no. 102 (9 [22] May 1906).

45 Dos lebn, no. 103 (10 [23] May 1906).

46 Cited by Ascher, Abraham, The Revolution of 1905, 2 vols. (Stanford, 1988), 1:17.Google Scholar For more on surveillance in the tsarist period and beyond, see Holquist, Peter, “‘Information Is the Alpha and Omega of Our Work’: Bolshevik Surveillance in Its Pan-European Context,” Journal of Modern History 69, no. 3 (September 1997): 415–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

47 Dos lebn, no. 64 (20 March [2 April] 1906).

48 Dos lebn, no. 81 (13 [26] April 1906).

49 Dos lebn, no. 69 (26 March [7 April] 1906).

50 Dos lebn, no. 63 (18 [21] March 1906).

51 Dos lebn, no. 70 (26 March [8 April] 1906). The padlocks in this cartoon may refer to the issuing and subsequent failure of the Vyborg Manifesto, a proclamation issued by the Kadet and Trudovik Duma factions (who had temporarily relocated to Vyborg, Finland) in the wake of the dissolution of the Duma. The manifesto included a general critique of governmental policy and a call for action on the part of the Russian population. Failing to be met with enthusiasm, the manifesto had litde real effect. Just who is being silenced in Liakhovskii’s rendition I have been unable to discern.

52 Derfraynd, no. 78 (10 [23] April 1906).

53 See, for example, Dos lebn, no. 135 (20 June [4 July] 1906).

54 These images are similar to others; in the Russian-language Petersburg-based satirical journal Leshii, for example, unnamed officials are shown metamorphosing into bulldogs, roosters, frogs, and pigs. See, for example, Leshii, undated 1906. Other examples are reproduced in Gomberg-Verzhbinskaia, E. P. [Eleonora Petrovna], Russkoe iskusstvo i revoliutsiia 1905g.: Grafika zhivopis’ (Leningrad, 1960), 33.Google Scholar

55 Der shaygets, undated 1906.

56 Some of the cartoons oiDer bezim relied on ‘Jewish “ motifs to satirize imperial politics, such as a cartoon that depicted representatives of the Duma drowning in the ocean while a large group of “Israelites,” a Moses-figure at their fore, looked on from shore. Der bezim, no. 72 (10 April [28 March] 1906).

57 “TeMon,” Der bezim, no. 72 (28 March [10 April] 1906): 6. Israel Zangwill, a British Jew, formed and led die Jewish Territorial Organization. Mania Vilbushevitsh advocated the large-scale collective settlement of Jews in Palestine and their subsequent use of mechanical farming techniques. She was also briefly involved in the terrorist section of the Socialist Revolutionary Party. In 1904 she emigrated to Palestine. Thereafter, she traveled in the United States and Europe, purchasing arms in die west and shipping diem to selfdefense organizations in Russia.

58 The union’s Russian title was Soiuz alia dostizheniia polnopraviia evreiskago naroda v Rossii. For more on the party’s development and impact, see Gassenschmidt. Jewish Liberal Politics in Tsarist Russia.

59 Der bairn, no. 42 (1 [14] March 1906).

60 I elaborate upon this argument in a forthcoming article, “Divining the Secular in the Yiddish Popular Press.” Edward Portnoy makes a similar argument about the importance of religious motifs in Yiddish satirical cartoons published in Poland in die interwar period. Portnoy, “Exploiting Tradition. “

61 One could go a step further, perhaps, by arguing that der bezim was an anti- Zionist hero. Images of Orthodox men had become increasingly central to Zionist art of the early twentieth century: but in Zionist renderings, Orthodox men tended to “possess an air of wisdom and rich character.” By displaying its Orthodox reader as a gawky buffoon, Der bezim capitalized on the mystique of the Orthodox reader while simultaneously sabotaging the reigning Zionist narrative. Berkowitz, Michael, “Art in Zionist Popular Culture and Jewish National Self-Consciousness, 1897–1914,” in Mendelsohn, Ezra and Cohen, Richard I., Studies in Contemporary Jexwy, An Annual (Oxford, 1990), 9–42.Google Scholar

62 For first-hand accounts of the pogroms, see Hershberg, Avrohm Shmuel, Pinkos Bialystok (New York, 1950), 2:117–32;Google Scholar An-skii, S., “Pogromnye vpechatleniia,” Sobranie sochinenii (St. Petersburg, 1911).Google Scholar See also Feldman, Yehude rusyah; Lambroza, “The Pogroms of 1903-1906,” and Lambroza, “The Pogrom Movement in Russia, 1903-1905. “ For a detailed mapping of the course of pogrom violence in these years, see “From Kishineff to Bialystok: A Tale of Pogroms from 1903–1906,” American Jewish Year Book (1906- 1907): 34-69.

63 Rogger, Jewish Policies and Right-Wing Politics; Fuller, William C., “Civil-Military Conflict in the Russian Revolution, 1905-1907,” Civil-Military Conflict in Imperial Russia, 1881–1914 (Princeton, 1985), 129–68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

64 Jonathan Frankel describes this dynamic in Prophecy and Politics, 153–69.

65 Ibid., 152-53; Lambroza, “The Pogroms of 1903-1906,” 237.

66 “No one is as guilty of the pogrom as die administration,” read one article, “or, better put, no one is as guilty as die whole bureaucracy and its arbitrary rule.” Derfraynd, no. 120 (2 [15] July 1906). This complaint was echoed in the paper’s editorials: “The bureaucracy will conduct new pogroms, the Duma will conduct new inquiries, send new commissars,“ one such editorial argued, “and we Jews will be helped not at all.” Derfraynd, no. 134(10 [23] July 1906).

67 There was one notable exception to this trend. To commemorate the pogroms of 1903-1906, the publishers oiDerfraynd produced a photographic album entitled Z)t blutige teg (Bloody days) in October 1905. Four pages of the album were devoted to images from Odessa, three to Warsaw, and one each to Kiev, Vilna, and Kishinev. Sold as a supplement for 7 kopecks, the album was 13 pages in length and was printed on folio-sized paper. Though it was primarily devoted to photographs, the elaborate title page of Di blutige teg featured macabre cartoons by Liakhovskii depicting serpentine creatures crawling about the tortured ruins of the Jewish dead. I analyze this source (and the genre of pogrom photography more generally) in detail in Making Jews Modern.

68 Stein, Makingjews Modern.

69 Barkhatova, Elena, “Pictorialism: Photography as Art,” in Elliott, David, ed., Photography in Russia, 1840–1940 (London, 1992), 51–61.Google Scholar

70 Goldberg, Sylvie Anne, Crossing thejabbok: Illness and Death in Ashkenazi Judaism in Sixteenth- through Nineteenth-Century Prague (Berkeley, 1996).Google Scholar

71 See, for example: Der fraynd, no. 120 (2 [15] July 1906). An-skii also penned reflections on the Bialystok pogroms in Russian and contributed diem to the journal Voskhod. These essays are included in the 1911 Russian-language collection of his works: An-skii, “Pogromnye vpechatleniia. “

72 Two exceptions are worth noting. One of the first cartoons published by Derfraynd is a busy tale in thirteen frames with tiny handwritten captions, which surveys, as its title announces, the “culture of 1907.” Among the events chronicled are the destruction of the Second Duma by pigs in official uniforms, the consumption of new literary talent by the demons of Article 129, and graphic images of police brutality and bureaucratic excess. A second cartoon depicts the constitution being buried as part of “a poor man’s funeral,“ complete with tattered shroud and hand-drawn carriage. Der bezim, no. 18 (22 March 1908);Derbezim, no. 52 (2 March 1908).