1 I gratefully acknowledge the generous support of a Title VIII National Research Competition Grant from the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research, a Howard Foundation Fellowship, and a Harriman Seed Grant; the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation for a residential fellowship at the Cullman Center for Scholars and Writers at the New York Public Library; and the help, insights, and encouragement of Frank Peters, Maria Todorova, Richard Wortman, Mark D. Steinberg, Thomas Kitson, and Samuel Noble. For details, see Tabakov, Simeon, Opit za istoriiata na grad Sliven, 3 vols. (Sofia, 1924), 2:418.Google Scholar

2 Jerusalem and Mecca are“centers” not merely because central, foundational events of sacred history are anchored in them but because each place is thought to be the physical center of the created world—a“navel” of the earth where the extraordinary concen-tration of holiness grants a special“blessing” (eulogia, in Greek, or baraka, in Arabic) to pilgrims who come in ritual contact with the place. See Peters, F. E., Jerusalem: The Holy City in the Eyes of Chroniclers, Visitors, Pilgrims, and Prophets from the Days of Abraham to the Beginning of Modern Times (Princeton, 1985), 3,41.Google Scholar

3 Rum is Turkish for the Byzantines' term of self-identification, and Romeoi (Greek for“Roman”) was generalized in Ottoman use as the name for all Orthodox Christians; hence, their land was called Rumeli, or the“Land of Rum.” On the rum millet as an Otto-man administrative unit, see Clogg, Richard, “The Greek Millet in the Ottoman Empire,” in Braude, Benjamin and Lewis, Bernard, eds., Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire: The Functioning of a Plural Society, 2 vols. (New York, 1982), 1:185–207.Google Scholar

4 For details, see Izmirlieva, Valentina, “The Title Hajji and the Ottoman Vocabulary of Pilgrimage”, Modern Greek Studies Yearbook 28/29 (2012–13): 137–67.Google Scholar Earlier studies of the Balkan Christian hajj include Georgevich, T. S., “Serbia and the Holy Land”, Journal of Theological Studies 19, nos. 74-75 (January 1918): 97–114;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Bobčev, Stefan S., “Notes compares sur les Hadjis balkaniques”, Revue internationale des Etudes balkaniques 3 (1936): 1–12;Google Scholar and a partial anthology of the Bulgarian material in Giurova, Svetla and Danova, Nadia, eds., Kniga za bulgarskite khadzhii (Sofia, 1985), 35–322.Google Scholar

5 Bar, Doron and Cohen-Hattab, Kobi, “A New Kind of Pilgrimage: The Modern Tourist Pilgrim of Nineteenth-Century and Early Twentieth-Century Palestine”, Middle Eastern Studies 39, no. 2 (April 2003): 131–48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 Peri, Oded, Christianity under Islam in Jerusalem: The Question of the Holy Sites in Early Ottoman Times (Leiden, 2001), 162–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7 Izmirlieva,“The Title Hajji” 145-47.

8 Materials from the Bǔlgarski istoricheski arkhiv, Narodna biblioteka“Sv. sv. Kiril i Metodii” (BIA NBKM) documenting such cases include fond (f.) 366 (Khadzhi Vicho [Vasil] Khadzhilazarov), 20 dokument (dok.), 1855–1876,1 inventaren opis (inv. op.), list (1.) 1–16, and f. 41 (Khadzhi Georgi Khristov Khesapchev), 28 dok., 1857–1877. See also Tabakov, , Opit za istoriiata na grad Sliven, 2:469–73Google Scholar, and Kuzmova-Zografova, Katia, Mnogolikata biilgarka: Zabelezhitelni zheni ot Vuzrazhdaneto do nashi dni (Sofia, 2006), 13–16.Google Scholar I am currently preparing a separate study of the family hajj and the role of women hajjis in Ottoman Balkan societies.

9 Herwaarden, Jan van, Between Saint James and Erasmus: Studies in Late-Medieval Religious Life: Devotion and Pilgrimage in the Netherlands, trans. Shaffer, Wendie and Gardner, Donald (Leiden, 2003), 241–307.Google Scholar In studies of the Muslim hajj to Mecca, by contrast, the emphasis on the“epiphenomenon” of“status enhancement” has all but overshad-owed the study of the hajj's ritual practices. See Roff, William R., “Pilgrimage and the History of Religions: Theoretical Approaches to the Hajj,” in Martin, Richard C., ed., Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies (Tucson, 1985), 79.Google Scholar

10 Hannam, Kevin, Scheller, Mimi, and Urry, John, “Editorial: Mobilities, Immobilities and Mooring”, Mobilities 1, no. 1 (March 2006): 1–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11 Among the studies of Orthodox-Muslim religious cross-fertilization, see especially Hasluck, Frederick W., Christianity and Islam under the Sultans, ed. Hasluck, Margaret, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1929);Google Scholar Haddad, Robert M., “Eastern Orthodoxy and Islam: An Historical Overview”, Greek Orthodox Theological Review 31, nos. 1–2 (Spring/Summer 1986): 17–32;Google Scholar Doumanis, Nicholas, Before the Nation: Muslim-Christian Coexistence and Its Destruction in Late Ottoman Anatolia (Oxford, 2012);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Albera, Dionigi and Couroucli, Maria, eds., Sharing Sacred Spaces in the Mediterranean: Christians, Muslims and Jews in Shrines and Sanctuaries (Bloomington, 2012).Google Scholar On Coptic-Muslim coexistence in the Ottoman empire, see Armanios, Febe, Coptic Christianity in Ottoman Egypt (Oxford, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially the chapter on pilgrimage, which offers insightful parallels for the current discussion,“The Miracle of Pilgrimage: A Journey to Jerusalem in the Early Eighteenth Century,” 91–116.

12 Hann, Chris and Goltz, Hermann, “Introduction: The Other Christianity?,” in Hann, Chris and Goltz, Hermann, eds., Eastern Christians in Anthropological Perspective (Berkeley, 2010), 20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13 Bowman, Glenn, “Contemporary Christian Pilgrimage to the Holy Land”, in O'Mahony, Anthony, Gunner, Goran, and Hintlian, Kevork, eds., The Christian Heritage in the Holy Land (London, 1995), 288–310;Google Scholar Hummel, Ruth S. and Hummel, Thomas, Patterns of the Sacred: English Protestant and Russian Orthodox Pilgrims of the Nineteenth Century (London, 1995).Google Scholar

14 See Trouillot, MichelRolph, Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History (Boston, Mass., 1995)Google Scholar, and Goody, Jack, The Theft of History (Cambridge, Eng., 2006).Google Scholar That“theft” in this case can be treated also as a species of Edward Said's academic orientalism. Since much of Russia's nineteenth-century discourses of the Ottoman empire passed under the rubric of the“Eastern Question,” it was not only Jerusalem but also the Balkans that were pictured as part of the“Orient,” even though, as the Russian church historian V. V. Bolotov aptly remarked,“the meridian of the Holy Sepulcher crosses the Nikolaevsk [Moscow-St. Petersburg] line approximately half a verst northwest of Kalashnikovo Station. Therefore, when going to Jerusalem not only a Muscovite but even a citizen of Tver' journeys not to the east but to the west.” Bolotov, V. V., Iz istorii Tserkvi Siro-Persidskoi (St. Petersburg, 1901), 98.Google Scholar

15 See Lisovoi, Nikolai N., Russkoe dukhovnoe i politicheskoe prisutstvie v Sviatoi Zemle i na Blizhnem Vostoke v XlX-nachale XX v. (Moscow, 2006);Google Scholar Lisovoi, , ed., Rossiia v Sviatoi Zemle: Dokumenty i materialy 2 vols. (Moscow, 2000);Google Scholar Sergei Iu. Zhitenev, Istoriia russkogo pravoslavnogo palomnichestva v X-XVII vekakh (Moscow, 2007).

16 Major studies of the hajj include Peters, F. E., The Hajj: The Muslim Pilgrimage to Mecca and the Holy Places (Princeton, 1994);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Faroqhi, Suraiya, Pilgrims and Sultans: The Hajj under the Ottomans, 1517–1683 (London, 1994);Google Scholar and Coleman, Simon and Eisner, John, Pilgrimage Past and Present in the World Religions (Cambridge, Mass., 1995), 52–73.Google Scholar On the Ottoman hajj from the Balkan lands, see 01 'ga Todorova,“Drugiiat khadzhiluk: Kum istoriiata na miusiulmanskiia hadzh ot bulgarskite zemi prez XV–XVII vek,” Istorichesko budeshte 1–2 (2006): 273–74. A valuable analysis of modern Turkish practices is Carol Delaney,“The Hajj: Sacred and Secular,” American Ethnologist 17, no. 3 (August 1990): 513-30. For further references, see Sardar, Ziauddin, “The Hajj: A Select Bibliography”, Muslim World Book Review, 3 no. 1 (1982): 57–67.Google Scholar

17 Schimmel, Annemarie, Deciphering the Signs of God: A Phenomenological Approach to Islam (Albany, 1994), 65.Google Scholar

18 The Muslim requirement for performing all parts of the hajj on schedule is especially rigorous. Evliya Celebi, who went on a hajj in 1671, exclaimed in his Travelogue, “Thank God, they were able to perform their pilgrimage: If they had arrived [at Mount Arafat] but a short time later, it would have been invalid.” Evliya Celebi, Seyahatnamesi,10 vols. (Istanbul, 1896-1938), 9:702.

19 Peters, The Hajj, xxi. Emphasis mine.

20 Faroqhi, Suraiya, “Anatolian Townsmen as Pilgrims to Mecca: Some Evidence from the 16th-17th Centuries,” in Veinstein, Gilles, ed., Soliman leMagnifique etson temps: Actes du Colloque de Paris, Galeries nationales du Grand Palais, 7–10 mars 1990 (Paris, 1992), 309–25.Google Scholar

21 On the Islamic concept of baraka as“an emotive force perceived and apprehended through the senses” and its relation to pilgrimage, see Meri, Josef W., “Aspects of Baraka (Blessing) and Ritual Devotion among Medieval Muslims and Jews”, Medieval Encounters 5, no. 1 (1999): 46–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Significantly, baraka can be transmitted through relics, substances, and sacred objects from the pilgrim center.

22 This use of the title apparently dates from the thirteenth century. See Richard W. Bulliet, “Religion and the State in Islam: From Medieval Caliphate to the Muslim Brother-hood,” University of Denver, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Occasional Paper Series, no. 2: 8-9, at www.du.edu/korbel/middleeast/media/documents/BullietPaperFinal.pdf (last accessed 5 February 2014). The standard sociological distinction between achieved and ascribed status was first introduced by Ralph Linton in his The Study of Mart: An Introduction (New York, 1936).

23 Delaney,“The Hajj“; McDonnell, Mary Byrne, “Patterns of Muslim Pilgrimage from Malaysia (1885–1985),” in Eickelman, Dale and Piscatori, James, eds., Muslim Travelers: Pilgrimage, Migration, and the Religious Imagination (London, 1990), 111–30.Google Scholar

24 For a detailed description of the festivities in Cairo, see Faroqhi, Pilgrims and Sultans, 38-40. Cairo was the place of departure and return for one of the three largest pilgrim caravans to Mecca in the Ottoman empire (the other two left from Damascus and Baghdad, respectively). See Peters, The Hajj, 144; on the Cairo caravan in particular, see ibid., 167–72.

25 Faroqhi, Pilgrims and Sultans, 4.

26 See Campo, Juan E., “Shrines and Talismans: Domestic Islam in the Pilgrimage Paintings of Egypt”, Journal of the American Academy of Religion 55, no. 2 (Summer 1987): 285–305.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Canova, Giovanni, “Nota sulle raffigurazioni popolari del pellegrinaggio in Egitto”, Annali delta facolta di lingue e letterature straniere di Ca'Foscari 14, no. 3 (1975): 83–94,Google Scholar and Michot, Jean, “Les fresques du pelerinage au Caire”, Art and Archaeology Re-search Papers 13 (1978): 7–21.Google Scholar For an album of contemporary Egyptian murals, see Parker, Ann and Neal, Avon, Hajj Paintings: Folk Art of the Great Pilgrimage (Washington, D.C., 1995).Google Scholar See also Borkovsky, Joshua, The Hajj Paintings, 2 vols. (Jerusalem, 2004)Google Scholar, which also includes murals from Muslim homes in Jerusalem.

27 Campo,“Shrines and Talismans,” 295. Emphasis mine.

28 According to Todorova, a significant portion of the Muslim hajjis in seventeenth and eighteenth-century Rumelia were new converts to Islam who used it to improve their marginal status among fellow Muslims. Todorova,“Drugiiat khadzhiliik,” 268.

29 Limor, Ora, “‘Holy Journey’: Pilgrimage and Christian Sacred Landscape,” in Limor, Ora and Stroumsa, Guy G., eds., Christians and Christianity in the Holy Land: From the Origins to the Latin Kingdoms (Turnhout, 2006), 327 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Emphasis mine

30 Mikhail Madzharov,“Na Bozhigrob predi 60 godini,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bulgarskite khadzhii, 86. Madzharov's pilgrim narrative, first published in 1929, was later expanded and revised as part of his memoirs. See Madzharov, Mikhail, Spomeni, ed. Andreev, Veselin (Sofia, 1968), 167–254.Google Scholar It did not include, however, the pas-sage quoted above. Stefan Bobcev also reports that a“true” hajji is one who has witnessed the Holy Fire, bathed in the Jordan, and received a“paper” from the Patriarchate. Bobcev,“Notes compares sur les Hadjis balkaniques,” 9-10. Most of the sources cited here use the term nur (literally,“light”), which, like hajji, is a loanword from Arabic by way of Turkish. In Turkish, in addition to its basic meaning of“light” or“brilliance,” it is also used to de-note spiritual light and the halo of a saint. In other Balkan languages it is used both literally and metaphorically, often with strong religious connotations (in Serbo-Croat-Bosnian it refers to the light that appears above a holy grave). Most striking for my purposes is its dialectal use in Bulgarian to denote the burning candle carried out of church on Easter Sunday.

31 Iordan Ivanov remarks that“only pilgrims who have visited Jerusalem on Easter could be called ‘hajji.’” See Ivanov, , Bulgarski starini iz Makedoniia (Sofia, 1970), 651.Google Scholar Georgevich concurs:“Only he was the true Hadzi who had spent the Holy Week in Jerusalem and been to the Church of the Holy Sepulcher on Easter Sunday.” Georgevich,“Serbia and the Holy Land,” 105.

32 Vasil Aprilov,“Iz Dennitsa na novobulgarskoto obrazovanie (1841),” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bulgarskite khadzhii, 130.

33 For a dramatic description of this coordinated arrival, see Bey, AH [Badia y Leyblich], Travels ofAli Bey in Morocco, Tripoli, Cyprus, Egypt, Arabia, Syria and Turkey, between the Years 1803 and 1807, 2 vols. (London, 1816), 2:65–67.Google Scholar

34 A complete history of this ceremony is Auxentios, Bishop of Photiki, , The Paschal Fire in Jerusalem: A Study of the Rite of the Holy Fire in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (Berkeley, Calif., 1993).Google Scholar All the important firsthand accounts are available in Haris Skarlakidis, Holy Fire: The Miracle of Holy Saturday at the Tomb of Christ: Forty-Five Historical Accounts (9th–16th c), trans. Nikki Christopoulos (Athens, 2011).

35 Quoted in Peters, Jerusalem, 524. Emphasis mine.

36 Graham, Stephen, With the Russian Pilgrims to Jerusalem (London, 1913), 284.Google Scholar

37 Uspenskii, Porfirii, Kniga bytiia moego: Dnevniki i avtobiograficheskie zapiski episkopa Porfiriia Uspenskago, ed. Syrku, P. A., 8 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1894–1902), 1:671.Google Scholar In another entry he reports that the fire was allegedly lit from a lamp hidden behind a movable marble icon next to the Holy Tomb. Uspenskii Kniga bytiia moego, 3:300.

38 On the weekly liturgy at the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, see Ravelin, Archimandrite Leonid, Staryi Ierusalim i ego okrestnosti: Iz zapisok inoka-palomnika (Moscow, 2008), 57.Google Scholar

39 For revealing firsthand accounts, see Peters, Jerusalem, 261-63.

40 Graham, With the Russian Pilgrims, 285.

41 On the central role of“credentials” in the social magic of legitimation, see Bourdieu, Pierre, Language and Symbolic Power (Cambridge, Mass., 1999), 119.Google Scholar

42 Some scholars overtly treat them as Eastern Orthodox indulgences. See Danova, Nadezhda, “Indulgentsiite v iztochno-pravoslavnata tsǔrkva”, Vekove 8, no. 6 (1977): 43–50 Google Scholar, and Nikolaos Chrissidis,“Between Forgiveness and Indulgence: Funerary Prayers of Absolution in Russia,” in Donald Ostrowski and Nickolas Lupinin, eds., The Tapestry of Russian Christianity: Studies in History and Culture (forthcoming).

43 Danova,“Indulgentsiite v iztochno-pravoslavnata tsǔrkva,” 45; Dimitǔr Panichkov,“Spomeni,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bulgarskite khadzhii, 106; [Sava Dobroplodni],“Khadzhi Iliia i Khadzhi Trandafila ot Sliven,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bulgarskite khadzhii, 209. Other Balkan Slavic languages offer similar variants.

44 For the text of the council's decisions, see Karmiris, I., Ta dogmatika kai Symvolika mnimeia tis Orthodoxou Katholikis Ekklesias, 2 vols. (Graz, 1988), 2:867.Google Scholar For a partial En-glish translation, see Chrissidis,“Between Forgiveness and Indulgence.”

45 [Georgi Tilev],“Izpovedta,” Novini 44 (25 February 1894): 3. A letter from Hajji Bogdan Hajji Dimitriev Bogdanov to his parents, describing the funeral of his brother Hajji Ivan in February 1870, offers the following valuable information: during the funeral service, the priests sang from“the Jerusalem book, which the Patriarchate there gives as a sign of distinction for completing the hajj,” and then the hajji was buried with this paper in his right hand. See BIA NBKM f. 747 (Khadzhi Ivan i Khadzhi Bogdan Khadzhidimitrievi Bogdanovi), 107 dok., 1846-1881, op. 1,1.61.

46 Danova,“Indulgentsiite v iztochno-pravoslavnata tsǔrkva,” 48.

47 Madzharov,“Na Bozhigrob predi 60 godini,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bǔlgarskite khadzhii, 37.

48 For details, see Izmirlieva,“The Title Hajji,” 143-44.

49 Hajji Petǔr Avramov, a Kalofer merchant who visited the Holy Land in 1858 and left a detailed account of his expenses there, bought five proskinitariia: one large icon that cost 1,200 piasters and four smaller ones for 500 piasters each. It is notable that Avramov's expenses amounted to 9,000 piasters in total; thus, more than one-seventh of the costs for his hacilik went to the big lerusalem icon. See Petur Avramov,“Spomeni,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bǔlgarskite khadzhii, 118-19. The sum of 1,200 piasters (approximately forty silver rubles) was quite astounding for that time. In Jerusalem it would purchase three hundred pounds of white flour, two hundred dozens of first-grade lemons, or two hundred to three hundred mother-of-pearl icons custom-made in Bethlehem's pilgrim souvenir workshops. See Ravelin, Staryi Ierusalim i ego okrestnosti, 373–74. In 1864 the sum amounted to six months' salary for a bodyguard in the Russian consulate in Edirne or three months' pay for the consulate's scribe. Konstant in Leont'ev, Nikolaevich, Diplomaticheskie doneseniia, pis'ma, zapiski, otchety, 1865-1872 (Moscow, 2003), 63–64.Google Scholar

50 See Madzharov,“Na Bozhigrob predi 60 godini,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bǔlgarskite khadzhii, 94. The family of Sava Dobroplodni (1821–94), from Sliven, had a“hajji room” for prayer that included both a proskinitarion and an indulgence. See [Dobroplodni],“Khadzhi Iliia i Khadzhi Trandafila ot Sliven,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bǔlgarskite khadzhii, 209. The home of Hajji Paro from Kalofer reportedly included a similar sanctuary infused with Holy Land blessing. A big“Jerusalem” domi-nated the room, a candle singed with the Holy Fire hung on each side of the icon, and a big red Easter egg—a gift from the Easter service at the Church of the Holy Sepulcher—dec-orated the icon shelf. See Nachov, Nikola, Kalofer v minaloto, ed. Kiuchukov, Ivailo (Sofia, 1990), 362.Google Scholar

51 Kisimov, Pandeli, Istoricheski raboti: Moite spomeni, 4 vols. (Plovdiv, 1897–1903), 1:21.Google Scholar

52 Madzharov,“Na Bozhigrob predi 60 godini,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bulgarskite khadzhii, 93.

53 See, for example, the record of one hajji's return on Pentecost of 1803 in the Triavna Chronicle of Pop Iovcho in Slaveikov, Petko, “Izvlecheniia iz letopisa na pop Iovcha ot Triavna,” Sbornikza narodni umotvoreniia, nauka i knizhnina 2 (Sofia, 1890), 315.Google Scholar

54 Madzharov's two narratives offer again the richest descriptions of the ritual, so I draw mostly from them, but Georgi Tilev's memoir, Petǔr Avramov's travelogue, and scattered details from other sources confirm Madzharov's account to the letter.

55 Madzharov,“Na Bozhigrob predi 60 godini,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bǔlgarskite khadzhii,93.

56 On“strategic gifting” and its role in status enhancement, see Kenny, Erin, “Gifting Mecca: Importing Spiritual Capital to West Africa”, Mobilities, 2 no. 3 (November 2007): 363–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

57 Bobčev,“Notes compares sur les Hadjis balkaniques,” 11. On the tespih as a coveted Muslim hajji gift, see Todorova,“Drugiiat khadzhilǔk,” 266-67.

58 Traditionally, Christian pilgrim souvenirs were called blessings (eulogia). This telling metonymy suggests that, if the sacred center is a powerful source of blessing, the souvenirs have the capacity to translate this blessing across space and time and to serve as conduits of holiness. See Cynthia Hahn, “Loca Sancta” Souvenirs: Sealing the Pilgrim's Experience,” in Ousterhout, Robert G., The Blessings of Pilgrimage (Urbana, 1990), 85–96.Google Scholar

59 [Georgi Tilev],“Izpovedta na edin starets,” Novini 61 (29 April 1984): 4; Aprilov,“Iz Dennitsa na novobǔlgarskoto obrazovanie,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bulgarskite khadzhii, 130.

60 Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, 118-19.

61 Madzharov, Spomeni, 252.

62 Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, 118. Emphasis mine.

63 Aprilov,“Iz Dennitsa na novobǔlgarskoto obrazovanie,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bǔlgarskite khadzhii, 130. Cf. Tsonchev, Petǔr, Iz obshtestvenoto i kulturno minalo na Gabrovo (Gabrovo, 1996), 344.Google Scholar

64 Panchev, Todor, “Khadzhi Gero Mushek i Naiden Gerov—bashta i sin uchiteli,” in Khristo G. Danov: Biografichen ocherk, ed. Barutchiiski, S. Iv. (Plovdiv, 1905), 165.Google Scholar

65 [Tilev],“Izpovedta na edin starets,” Novini 61 (29 April 1984), 4.

66 [Petko Slaveikov],“Khadzhi Lambin ot Tǔrnovo,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bulgarskite khadzhii, 228.

67 See Shishmanov, Ivan, Izbrani suchineniia, 3 vols. (Sofia, 1965–71), 1:304;Google Scholar Tabakov, Opit za istoriiata na grad Sliven, 2:418; Madzharov,“Na Bozhigrob predi 60 godini,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bǔlgarskite khadzhii, 36-37.

68 “Materiali za istoriiata na bǔlgarskoto Vuzrazhdane,” Sbornikza narodni umotvoreniia, nauka i knizhnina 3 (Sofia, 1890), 401.

69 “As soon as a Bulgarian makes a name for himself, as soon as he can set aside-through frugality or miserliness—enough money, he turns all his thoughts to the dream of Jerusalem: ‘I want to go to the Holy Sepulcher,’ says he.” Aprilov,“Iz Dennitsa na novobǔlgarskoto obrazovanie,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bǔlgarskite khadzhii, 130.

70 Tabakov, Opitza istoriiata na grad Sliven, 2:189.

71 Madzharov,“Na Bozhigrob predi 60 godini,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bǔlgarskite khadzhii, 40.

72 Madzharov, Spomeni, 167.

73 Aprilov,“Iz Dennitsa na novobǔlgarskoto obrazovanie,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bǔlgarskite khadzhii, 130-31.

74 The title çorbaci, originally a military rank, was used rather loosely in the late Ottoman empire to designate non-Muslim representatives to various levels of regional ad-ministrative councils, as well as notables, elders, or simply wealthy and influential folk. See Grozdanova, Elena, Bulgarskata selska obshtina prez XV–XVIII vek, ed. Dimitrov, Strashimir (Sofia, 1979), 78–84.Google Scholar

75 See [Slaveikov],“Khadzhi Lambin ot Tǔrnovo,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bǔlgarskite khadzhii, 228, and Karavelov, Liuben, “Nie sme rodeni da kǔrpime chuzhdite drekhi”, Nezavisimost 3, no. 32 (28 April 1873).Google Scholar

76 For the demographic composition of Russian pilgrims to Jerusalem in the nine-teenth century, see Theofanis Stavrou, Russian Interests in Palestine, 1882–1914: A Study of Religious and Educational Enterprise (Thessaloniki, 1963), 150; see also Graham, With the Russian Pilgrims, who offers a vivid portrait from the end of the Romanov era of ordi-nary pilgrims and their aspirations.

77 Madzharov,“Na Bozhigrob predi 60 godini,” in Giurova and Danova, eds., Kniga za bǔlgarskite khadzhii, 76,80, and Spomeni, 248.

78 On the ambitious project of creating a“Russian Palestine,” see Lisovoi, Russkoe dukhovnoe i politicheskoe prisutstvie.

79 For a tentative articulation of this hypothesis, see Izmirlieva,“The Title Hajji,” although the subject calls for a separate study.

80 For a discussion of Eric Hobsbawm's use of the term tradition in the context of Russian imperial mythmaking, see Wortman, Richard, “The Invention of Tradition and the Representation of Russian Monarchy,” in his Russian Monarchy: Representation and Rule (Brighton, Mass., 2013), 137–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar