A version of this piece was originally presented at ASEEES 2012. Thanks to Princeton University's PIIRS fund for fi nancing the initial research for this project, and to Andrei Shishkin for sharing Ivanov's correspondence with Pellegrini before it was published. For their valuable commentary on drafts of this article, I am indebted to Caryl Emerson, Simone Marchesi, Harriet Murav, my anonymous reviewers, and especially to Michael Wachtel.

1. For an overview of anti-humanism, see Kuhn, Elizabeth, “Toward an Anti-Humanism of Life: The Modernism of Nietzsche, Hulme, and Yeats,” Journal of Modern Literature, 34, no. 4 (Summer 2011): 1–20 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In the 1980s, French thought saw a backlash against anti-humanism, described by Jean-Jacques Thomas in “Post-Structuralism and the New Humanism,” trans. Jeff Loveland, SubStance, 21, no. 2, Issue 68 (1992): 61–76. While contemporary scholars of race and gender oft en reject humanism because it has traditionally (and restrictively) implied a straight, white, male subject, some have repurposed the term because it also implies an ethical responsibility towards all human beings. See, for example, Murphy, Ann V., “Corporeal Vulnerability and the New Humanism,” Hypatia, 26, no. 3 (Summer 2011): 575–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2. For more on Petrarch and the Italian humanist tradition, see Quillen, Collen E., “A Tradition Invented: Petrarch, Augustine, and the Language of Humanism,” Journal of the History of Ideas 53, no. 2 (April-June, 1992): 179–207 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Montano, Rocco, “Italian Humanism: Dante and Petrarch,” Italica 50, no. (Summer, 1973): 205–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3. Heidegger, Martin, “Letter on ‘Humanism,’ ” in Basic Writings, ed. Krell, David Farrell, trans. Capuzzi, Frank A., (New York, 1993), 239–76Google Scholar. For more on the polemics surrounding humanism, see Fleming, Katie, “Heidegger, Jaeger, Plato: The Politics of Humanism,” International Journal of the Classical Tradition 19, no. 2 (June 2012): 82–106 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Rabinbach, Anson, “Heidegger's Letter on Humanism as Text and Event,” New German Critique 62 (Spring-Summer 1994): 3–38 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Heidegger eventually rejected both positions described here as politically suspect, and went on to deny humanism entirely (Rabinbach, “Heidegger's Letter on Humanism,” 22).

4. See Ernst Robert Curtius's discussion of his 1932 “polemical pamphlet” “Deutscher Geist in Gefahr (The German Spirit in Danger)” in the foreword to European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard R. Trask (Princeton, 2013), xxiii–xxiv. See also Colin Burrow's introduction, xi–xx.

5. Unsurprisingly, this perspective was not popular in Germany. See Rabinbach, “Heidegger's Letter on Humanism,” 15.

6. For more on Ivanov's own relationship and correspondence with Curtius, see Wachtel, Michael, “Vjačeslav Ivanov als ‘missing link’ in der Kulturphilosophie von Ernst Robert Curtius,” Die Welt der Slaven 37 (1992): 97–106 Google Scholar.

7. For more on the issues facing Russian Catholic converts in emigre circles, see Davies, Katherine, “A ‘Third Way’ Catholic Intellectual: Charles Du Bos, Tragedy, and Ethics in Interwar Paris,” Journal of the History of Ideas 71, no. 4 (October 2010): 637–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar, as well as Emerson, Caryl, “Jacques Maritain and the Catholic Muse in Lourie's Post-Petersburg Worlds,” in Moricz, Klara and Morrison, Simon, eds. Funeral Games in Honor of Arthur Vincent Lourie. (Oxford, 2014), 196–267 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Iswolsky, Helene, Light Before Dark: A Russian Catholic in France, 1923–1941 (New York, 1942)Google Scholar, especially Chapter 1 and Chapter 5. See also Iswolsky's letter to Ivanov, published in Zarankin, Julia and Wachtel, Michael, “The Correspondence of Viacheslav Ivanov and Charles Du Bos,” in Rizzi, Daniela and Shishkin, Andrei, eds., Russko-italianskii archiv III: Viacheslav Ivanov—Novye Materialy (Salaerno, 2001), 497–505 Google Scholar.

8. For the French original and a translation by Olga Deschartes, see Ivanov, Viacheslav, “Lettre a Charles Du Bos,” in Sobranie sochinenii, ed. Deschartes, Olga, vol. 3 (Brussels, 1979), 417–30Google Scholar. A more precise Russian translation was published as Ivanov, Viacheslav, “Pis′mo k Diu Bosu,” ed. with commentary and notes by Ivanov, D. V. in Gogotishvili, L. A. and Kazarian, A. T., eds., Viacheslav Ivanov: Arkhivnye materialy i issledovaniia (Moscow, 1999), 81–92 Google Scholar. For more on Ivanov's relationship to Du Bos and the Christian humanist community, see the introduction to Julia Zarankin and Michael Wachtel, “The Correspondence of Viacheslav Ivanov and Charles Du Bos.”

9. For a recent discussion of transnationa lism in Russian literature, see Rubins, Maria, “Transnational Identities in Diaspora Writing: The Narratives of Vasily Yanovsky,” Slavic Review 73, no. 1 (Spring 2014): 62–84 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10. For more on a general understanding of humanism as “secularism” or “centering on the human” in Russian philosophy, see Hamburg, G. M. and Poole, Randall A., “Introduction: The humanist tradition in Russian philosophy,” in Hamburg, G. M. and Poole, Randall A., eds., A History of Russian Philosophy 1830–1930: Faith, Reason, and the Defense of Human Dignity, (Cambridge, 2010), 1–23 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11. See Nikolai Berdiaev, “Russkii kul′turnyi renessans nachala XX v. i zhurnal ‘Put′’ (K desiatiletiiu ‘Puti’),” Put′, no. 49, (October-December. 1935): 3–22.

12. See Blok, Aleksandr, “Krushenie gumanizma” (“The Destruction of Humanism,” 1919), in Orlov, V. N., Sokurov, A. A., and Chukovskii, K. I. eds., Sobranie sochinenii, vol. 6, (Moscow, 1962), 93–115 Google Scholar, and Ivanov, Viacheslav, “O krizise gumanizma. K morfologii sovremennoi kul′tury i psikhologii sovremennosti,” in Ivanov, D.V. and Deschartes, Olga, eds. Sobranie sochinenii, vol. 3 (Brussels, 1979), 367–82.Google Scholar

13. For a useful discussion of Blok's eccentric understanding of humanism, including its socio-political dimensions, see Ilona Svetlikova, “ ‘Mest’ Kopernika’: Kommentarii k poeme A. Bloka ‘Vozmezdie,’ “ Die Welt der Slaven 2 (2015), 300–18. She argues that Blok confl ated humanism with the historical Renaissance and bourgeois culture, antithetical to both Christianity and the revolution, which represented a true opportunity for mankind's rebirth.

14. Osip Mandelstam also entered this debate: see Dolack, Tom, “Mandelstam's Petrarch Translations and his Humanist Archaeology,” Annalisti d’Italianistica 26 (2008): 187–201 Google Scholar. For a more extensive discussion of Blok, Ivanov, and humanism, see Pyman, Avril, “U vodorazdelov mysli: krizis ili krushenie? (tema ‘gumanizma’ u Viach. Ivanov, A. Bloka, o. Pavla Florenskogo)” in Lappo-Danilevskii, K. Iu. and Shishkin, A. B., eds., Viacheslav Ivanov. Issledovanaiia i materialy (St. Petersburg, 2010): 122–132 Google Scholar. See also Salma, N., “Krizis gumanizma i ‘realisticheskii simvolizm’ V. Ivanova,” Dissertationes Slavicae: Slavistische Mitteilungen. Materialy i soobshcheniia po slavianovedeniiu. Sectio historae litterarum 17 (1992): 197–214 Google Scholar. For a more general discussion of “humanism,” broadly defined, in Silver Age culture, see Elshina, T., Russkii kul′turnyi renessans. Issledovanie problemy gumanizma v kontekste literatury XX veka (Kostroma, 1999), 5–26 Google Scholar. A discussion of Blok and Ivanov appears on 153–172.

15. See Rabinbach, “Heidegger's Letter on Humanism”; see also the defi nition “the Leninist concept of the humanism of socialist revolution” in P. I. Bokarev, Gumanizm velikoi oktiabr′skoi sotsialisticheskoi revoliutsii (Moscow, 1987), 8–9.

16. Clark, Katerina, Moscow, the Fourth Rome: Stalinism, Cosmopolitanism, and the Evolution of Soviet Culture (Cambridge, Mass., 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Interestingly, although Clark describes what this article defi nes as one expression of humanist culture, and even discusses the term's usage among the anti-fascist movement (see especially 155–56), she herself avoids the term because of its “vagueness”—a common issue as discussed in this article's introduction. Clark elaborates on this book in “Sergei Eisenstein's Ivan the Terrible and the Renaissance: An Example of Soviet Cosmopolitanism?,” Slavic Review 71, no. 1 (Spring 2012): 49–69.

17. See Shmidt, O. Iu., ed., “Gumanizm,” Bol′shaia sovetskaia entsiklopediia (Moscow, 1930), 19:792–97Google Scholar. This is not to be confused with the subsequent entry of the same title, which refers to a trend in “bourgeois” pragmatist philosophy (798).

18. See Jacobitti, Edmund, Revolutionary Humanism and Historicism in Modern Italy (New Haven, 1981), 1–56 Google Scholar.

19. See Muste, Marcello, Croce, (Rome, 2009), 146–47Google Scholar.

20. See Davies, “A ‘Third Way’ Catholic Intellectual,” 637–59.

21. For the development of Ivanov's humanism, see Davidson, Pamela, Vyacheslav Ivanov and C. M. Bowra: A Correspondence from Two Corners on Humanism (Birmingham, 2006), 5–22 Google Scholar, and Bird, Robert, The Russian Prospero: The Creative Universe of Viacheslav Ivanov (Madison, 2006), 227–40Google Scholar.

22. Gabriel Marcel, “L’interpretazione dell’opera di Dostoievski secondo Venceslao Ivanov,” in Alessandro Pellegrini, ed., Il Convegno: Rivista di letteratura e di arte. Venceslao Ivanov XV, no. 12 (January 25, 1934): 274–80. Available online at http://www.v-ivanov.it/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/il_convegno_1934_text.pdf (last accessed October 11, 2016). This article will consider Convegno in greater detail further on.

23. Marcel, Gabriel, “On the Ontological Mystery,” in his The Philosophy of Existence, trans. Harari, Manya. (London, 1949)Google Scholar. It is worth noting that the fi rst editions published in England of both this book and Ivanov's Dostoevskii monograph were released by the same press, Harvill.

24. Sartre, Jean-Paul, “Existentialism is a Humanism,” in his Existentialism is a Humanism, ed. Kulka, John, trans. Carol Macombe; introduction by Annie Cohen-Solal; notes and preface by Arlette Elkaim-Sartre (New Haven, 2007)Google Scholar.

25. See Marcel, “Ontological Mystery,” especially 10–11, and Sartre, “Existentialism is a Humanism,” 42–43, 52. Sartre qualifi es his use of the term “humanism” in the conversation that followed the speech (54–72).

26. On Heidegger, Nazism, and humanism, as well as his intellectual legacy, see Fleming, “Heidegger, Jaeger, Plato,” and Rabinbach, “Heidegger's Letter on Humanism.” For a discussion of the links between Ivanov and Heidegger, especially their philosophical parallels, see Bird, Robert, “Martin Heidegger and Russian Symbolist Philosophy,” Studies in East European Thought 51, no. 2 (June 1999): 85–108 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Though Ivanov mentions Heidegger briefl y, and negatively, in “Discorso,” an essay that will be considered here, it is not clear how familiar he was with the German philosopher's work. Bird, 103n4, discusses potential links between Heidegger and Ivanov's friends Fyodor Stepun and Evsei Shor. Shor also discusses Heidegger in a letter to Ivanov from January 24, 1930. See the online version of the Viacheslav Ivanov Archive, Op. 5, k. 12, p. 03, f. 03, at http://www.v-ivanov.it/archiv/opis-5/karton-12/p03/op5-k12-p03-f02.jpg (last accessed October 11, 2016).

27. Though this article will focus on Ivanov and Italy, Ivanov tried to fashion himself as western European in other countries as well. His focus on distancing himself from his Russian background was so strong that he initially refused even to give permission for his letter to Charles Du Bos to be translated from French into Russian; see the introduction to the updated Russian translation cited in n8, 82.

28. See Bird, Robert, “Ivanov i sovetskaia vlast′’,” Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie 40 (1999): 305–21Google Scholar, for a detailed analysis of Ivanov's earliest attempts to travel abroad for the sake of his family's health, including a letter from Ivanov to Nadezhda Krupskaia in which he declared his loyalty to the state. Of particular interest here is a skeptical response from the Cheka offi cial to whom she forwarded the missive that addresses the Bal′mont situation.

29. Ibid., 315.

30. See Shishkin, “Ivanov i Italiia.”

31. See Garzonio, Stefano and Sulpasso, Bianca, “ ‘Cresce la messe di cui Ella sara falciatore.’ Lettere di Giovanni Cavicchioli a Vjačeslav Ivanov,” in Diddi, Cristiano and Shishkin, Andrej, eds., Archivio Russo-Italiano VIII, (Salerno, 2011), 141–84Google Scholar.

32. For a more detailed discussion of the evolution of Ivanov's humanist ideas and their connection to contemporary western European thinkers, see Konstantin Lappo-Danilevskii, “Evropeiskii gumanizm kak zhivaia sila. Viach. Ivanov o nauchnom nasledii Vilamovitsa-Mellendorfa,” Simvol. Zhurnal khristianskoi kul′tury 53–54 (2008): 168–85, and “Primechatenl′nyie metamorfozy. (Viach. Ivanov o evropeiskom gumanizme.)” in Lappo-Danilevskii and Shishkin, eds., Viacheslav Ivanov. Issledovanaiia i materialy, 99–121. For a discussion of Ivanov's evolving worldviews, see Klimoff, Alexis , “Dionysos Tamed: Two Examples of Philosophical Revisionism in Vjačeslav Ivanov's ‘Roman Diary of 1944’ “ in Malcovati, Fausto, ed., Cultura e memoria: Atti del terzo Simposio Internazionale dedicato a Vjačeslav Ivanov, vol. 1 (Florence, 1988), 163—70Google Scholar.

33. See Robert Bird, commentary to Viacheslav Ivanov and Mikhail Gershenzon, in Robert Bird, ed., Perepiska iz dvukh uglov (Moscow, 2006), 93, 98. At this period Ivanov had also contributed to Russian translations of Dante's De Monarchia and Convivio, and aft er starting at Baku State University in 1920, he proposed a course on Dante and Petrarch. See K. Iu. Lappo-Danilevskii, “Rimskie poety v traktate Dante ‘Monarkhiia’: neizvestnyie perevody Viacheslava Ivanova,” Russkaia literatura 2, (2013): 173–79. For more on Dante's infl uence on Ivanov, see Pamela Davidson, The Poetic Imagination of Vyacheslav Ivanov: A Russian Symbolist's Perception of Dante (Cambridge, 1989).

34. See ibid., especially 129–53. See also Bird, “Sovetskaia vlast′.”

35. Susan Sontag mentions it in a piece she wrote a few weeks before her death. Her recollection was admittedly imperfect, as she considered the work to be a “novel.” See Susan Sontag, “A Report on the Journey,” New York Times Sunday Book Review, Feb. 20, 2005, at http://www.nytimes.com/2005/02/20/books/review/a-report-on-the-journey.html (last accessed August 5, 2016).

36. Signorelli recalls that one lecture attracted an audience of 900–1000 people. See her letter from March 16, 1933 on 382–384, in Ksenija Kumpan, “Troinaia perepiska: Viach. Ivanov i Ol′ga Shor v perepiske s Ol′goi Resnevich Signorelli (1925–1945),” 382–84. Commentary by A. d’Amelia, K. Kumpan, D. Rizzi, in Elda Garetto, Antonella d’Amelia. K. A, Kumpan and Daniela Rizzi, eds. Archivio Russo-Italiano IX, Ol′ga Resnevič Signorelli e l’emigrazione russa: correspondenze (Salerno, 2012), 251–426, 382–84. On compensation, see Giuseppina Giuliano, “Il Sole, il ‘signore del limite.’ La corrispondenza di Francesco Pastonchi e Vjačeslav Ivanov,” in Diddi and Shishkin, eds., Archivio Russo-Italiano VIII, (Salerno, 2011), 132. Ivanov's friends Marco Spaini and Cavicchioli, whom he knew through Signorelli, also helped organize this program: see Kumpan, “Perepiska,” 363n1. According to police records consulted by d’Amelia, Kumpan, and Rizzi, Spaini had “fascist sympathies” but never joined the Party (ibid., 361–62n5). Spaini, an anthroposophist, became good friends with the Ivanov family aft er Signorelli showed him the French translation of Correspondence.

37. See her letter from March 23, 1933, ibid., 387–88.

38. See Ben-Ghiat, Ruth, “Italian Fascism and the Aesthetics of the Third Way,” Journal of Contemporary History 31, no. 2 (April 1996): 296 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39. The Italian Correspondence volume included Olga Deschartes's (Shor’s) essay on Ivanov's ideas about mythopoesis, a topic that also interested Pastonchi, who was a follower of the decadent (and fascist) writer Gabriele D’Annunzio. See Giuliano, “Il Sole,” for a discussion of Pastonchi's pseudo-Greek tragedy Simma, which Giuliano reads as infl uenced by Ivanov's work. Although in a letter to the author Ivanov called the work “un’opera grandiosa e bella” (a great and beautiful work), (Ibid., 134), this “religious” play was not successful. Signifi cantly, Luigi Pirandello, another participant in the “Literary Mondays” series, was likewise thinking about political mythopoetics during this period. In particular, his play The Giants of the Mountain (I giganti della montagna), which the author was still writing when he died in 1936, presents a mythologized vision of the fascist era that may be read as critical of the regime. Thanks to Simone Marchesi for drawing my attention to this work.

40. See Giuliano, “Il Sole,” 121, 123.

41. Pastonchi suggested this signifi cant date. See Giuliano, “Il Sole,” 132.

42. See Giuliano, “Il Sole,” 125–26 for a discussion of the ideological diff erences between Ivanov and Pastonchi. Nevertheless, the Italian poet was so taken with Ivanov that he wanted to initiate his own “correspondence” with him (Ibid., 133).

43. Fascism and related movements in Europe originally developed from groups all over the political spectrum. Among historians of French fascism, Zeev Sternhell has argued that it ultimately fi nds its roots among left ist groups, while Robert Soucy traces its origins to the right. For an overview of this debate, see Zaretsky, Robert D., “Neither Left , nor Right, nor Straight Ahead: Recent Books on Fascism in France,” The Journal of Modern History 73, no.1 (March 2001): 118–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Irwin Wall, Review of Robert Soucy, French Fascism: The Second Wave, 1933–39, H-France, H-Net Reviews (March, 1996), at http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=318 (last accessed October 12, 2016). For a discussion of Italian fascism as a “third way” between the left at the right, see Ben-Ghiat, “Third Way.”

44. See Kumpan, “Perepiska,” 252. For letters discussing her political assistance to Ivanov's family and friends, see 273–75, 393–97, 401–2. In a letter from July 2, 1927, Olga Shor assured Signorelli that she had no political involvements that might cause the latter to regret assisting with her visa (274). Shor discusses (395n5) how Ivanov, desperate to secure the Italian citizenship that would allow performances of his daughter's musical compositions, suggested that Signorelli turn to Mussolini himself. See also Ivanov's appeal to Krupskaya described in n4 of the present essay.

45. See Olga Deschartes's [Shor’s] note to Ivanov's letter to Pellegrini on docta pietas ( Ivanov, Viacheslav, “Lettera a Alessandro Pellegrini,” in Ivanov, Sobranie sochinenii, vol. 3, 818 Google Scholar).

46. Ivanov and Signorelli were also linked to this circle through friendship with one of its leaders, the Catholic liberal thinker Tommaso Gallaratti Scotti.

47. See Pellegrini, Alessandro, ed., Tre cattolici liberali. Alessandro Casati, Tommaso Gallarati Scotti, Stefano Jacin (Milan, 1972)Google Scholar, especially the editor's introduction (11–33), and Pietro Gadda Conti's “ ‘La famiglia italiana’ a Milano” (307–38).

48. This man was the journalist and writer Pietro Gadda Conti. The full quotation reads: “In this climate, while the new regiments proclaimed autocracy even in the fi eld of letters, Il Convegno—that had collected within itself almost exclusively declared or potential antifascists—being an assembly of free men, was destined, little by little, to die from suff ocation: that is what happened in ‘35.” See Paola Ciandini, “Ferrieri Enzo (Milano 1890 luglio 7—Milano 1969 febbraio 4),” Archivi storici—Lombardi Bene Culturali, at http://www.lombardiabeniculturali.it/archivi/soggetti-produttori/persona/MIDC000955/ (last accessed August 5, 2016).

49. See Eric Bulson, “Milan the ‘Rivista,’ and the Deprovincialization of Italy: Le Papyrus (1894–96); Poesia (1905–09); Il Convegno (1920–40); Pan (1933–5); and Corrente di vita giovanile (1938–40)” in Peter Brooker, Sascha Bru, Andrew Thacker, and Chris Weikop, eds., The Oxford Critical and Cultural History of Modernist Magazines, vol. 3 (Oxford, 2013), 526. This message included anti-fascist color symbolism and the use of the pre-fascist dating system. Bulson explains in a footnote that Ferrieri acknowledged in an unpublished article that this secret message was intentional.

50. See Pellegrini's letter to Ivanov from June 24, 1933 in Andrei Shishkin “Legate intorno alla profonda realta dell’anima umana: Iz Perepiski A. Pellegrini, T. Gallarati Skotti i P. Treves s Viach. Ivanovym i (1932–1943),” in Daniela Rizzi and Andrei Shishkin, eds., Archivio Russo-Italiano X (Salerno, 2015), 146–49.

51. Gabriel Marcel's article on Ivanov and Dostoevskii does deviate from this trend by discussing “humanism” in its secular sense, and positioning both Ivanov and Dostoevskii against it (Alessandro Pellegrini, ed., Il Convegno. Rivista di letteratura e di arte. Venceslao Ivanov XIV: 8–12 [January 25, 1934]: 279). Essentially, however, his reading of Ivanov is similar to the others mentioned here.

52. See Pellegrini's letter to Ivanov from June 24, 1933 in Shishkin, “Perepiska,” 146– 49. In his own article, Zelinskii calls Ivanov “one of the most powerful pioneers of the Slavic Renaissance,” Convegno, 243. Deschartes writes that “ … he truly became a representative of a creative and fertile humanism; in Russia he became the initiator of the ‘Slavic Renaissance,’ “ ibid., 373.

53. “ … the integration of Christianity and humanism that Ivanov represents and embodies,” ibid., 270.

54. See the same letter from June 24, 1933. Thanks to Massimo Balloni for his assistance in deciphering the original manuscript, accessed from the electronic version of Opis 5, karton 19 at the website of the of the Viacheslav Ivanov Research Center, at http://www.v-ivanov.it/archiv/opis-5/karton-19/p11/op5-k19-p11-f11.jpg (last accessed August 5, 2016).

55. See her letter from January 31, 1932 in Kumpan, “Perepiska,” 356. Ivanov was very particular about his Italian style and consulted with experts to perfect it (ibid., 338–39).

56. See Garzonio, Stefano and Sulpasso, Bianca, “ ‘Cresce la messe di cui Ella sara falciatore.’ Lettere di Giovanni Cavicchioli a Vjačeslav Ivanov,” in Diddi, and Shishkin, , eds., Archivio Russo-Italiano VIII, 157–58, 163.Google Scholar

57. Shishkin, “Perepiska,” March 3, 1934 letter, 154.

58. Ibid., April 19, 1934 letter, 154–56.

59. Ibid., “Perepiska,” November 21, 1933 letter, 152–53. See also Kumpan, “Perepiska,” 389–91.

60. Ivanov presented a German version of this text in Zurich on October 30, 1934, and in Luzern soon thereaft er. Ivanov, Viacheslav, Dichtung und Briefwechsel aus dem deutschsprachigen Nachlass, ed. Wachtel, Michael (Cologne, 1995), 166 Google Scholar. However, this German translation was never published.

61. Ivanov, Viacheslav, “Lettera ad Alessandro Pellegrini sopra la docta pietas ,” in Ivanov, Sobranie sochinenii, 3:434–50Google Scholar. This text was first published in this Convegno issue.

62. See Shishkin, “Perepiska,” April 19, 1934 letter. For more on the connections between “Discourse,” “Docta Pietas,” and Correspondence, see Malcovati, Fausto, “Alcune considerazioni su ‘Discorso sugli orientamenti dello spirito moderno,” in Malcovati, Fausto, ed., Cultura e memoria: Atti del terzo Simposio Internazionale dedicato a Vjačeslav Ivanov (Florence, 1988), 1:171–74Google Scholar.

63. Blok and Ivanov were frequently compared, and confused, by Italian readers at this time.

64. See Ivanov, Viacheslav, “Discorso sugli orientamenti dello spirito moderno,” in Ivanov, Sobranie sochinenii, 3:468.Google Scholar”

65. Ibid., 478–80. At one point he writes that psychoanalysis “breaks up and dissolves the personality, in fl agrant contradiction of its own starting point” (ibid., 454). The discussion of Jung mentioned above is also negative, describing the psychologist as one who failed to understand the essence of his own concept of anima, or soul. Though it cannot be determined whether Ivanov was intimately familiar with Sigmund Freud's works, it is diffi cult to imagine that he was unfamiliar with the latter's most famous formulation, especially given that his essay also discusses the “subconscious.”

66. Ivanov, “Discorso,” 474.

67. Ibid.

68. See Ivanov, “Discorso,” 452, 454, 476–78, 480.

69. Ibid., 458. In other words, without God. Ivanov's citation here comes from Virgil's Aeneid, Book VI, lines 724–27. See David West's revised English translation (London, 2003), 135: “ ‘In the beginning Spirit fed all things from within, the sky and the earth, the level waters, the shining globe of the moon and the Titan's star, the sun. It was the Mind that set all this matter in motion.’ “ In the Underworld, Anchises says this at the beginning of his explanation of the “terrible longing” souls in the underworld have for “the light,” or the surface world; given his association of the sun with God in this essay, Ivanov likely interpreted this as a yearning for God. One should note the similarities between Virgil here and the fi nal lines of Dante's Divine Comedy that Ivanov cites at the conclusion of this work. I am indebted to Michael Wachtel for bringing my attention to this reference.

70. An immediate source of this discussion was the Dresden writer Martin Kaubisch, who had recently sent Ivanov an essay on the “Faustian man.” See Wachtel, Dichtung und Briefwechsel, 145.

71. See Wachtel, Michael, “Odi et amo: Vjačeslav Ivanovs Verhaltnis zu Deutschland,” in Hermann, Dagmar, ed., Deutsche und Deutschland aus russicher Sicht—19./20. Jahrhundert: Von den Reformen Alexanders II bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg (Munich, 2006), 669–96Google Scholar.

72. See Lappo-Danilevskii, “Ivanov o gumanizme,” in Lappo-Danilevskii and Shishkin, eds., Viacheslav Ivanov. Issledovaniia i materialy, 118–21. Lappo-Danilevskii also offers a useful discussion of this draft 's connection to Correspondence and to Ivanov's more general polemic with both Pellegrini and Croce.

73. Pellegrini, Alessandro, Incontri in Europa (Milan, 1947), 142 Google Scholar.

74. Ibid., 300.

75. Ibid., 314.

76. Ibid., 51. At the end of his Convegno article, Pellegrini also insists that both Ivanov and Dostoevskii fundamentally value freedom more than dogma (315).

77. Bolgar, R. R., “Introduction” in Bolgar, R. R., ed., Classical Influences on European Culture A.D. 1500–1700, (Cambridge, Eng., 1976), 18 Google Scholar.

78. Venceslao Ivanov, “Il lauro nella poesia del Petrarca,” in Convegno petrarchesco: tenuto in Arezzo, nei giorni 11–13 ottobre 1931, a. IX. (Arezzo, 1936), 115–16.

79. Ibid., 116.

80. Ibid.

81. Ibid., 119.

82. In her article “Petrarch and Viacheslav Ivanov,” Donata Murredu examines in great detail the connections between Ivanov's description of Petrarch's artistic method and his own writings (see “Petrarch and Vjačeslav Ivanov,” Scando-Slavica 30, no. 1 (January 1984): 73–94.

83. Ibid., 120.

84. See Croce, Benedetto, “Prefazione del editore” in de Sanctis, Francesco, ed., Saggio critico sul Petrarca (Naples, 1907), VIn3Google Scholar.

85. Ibid., VIII–XII.

86. Ibid., XV.

87. See his comments in Francesco de Sanctis, Saggio critico sul Petrarca, 17. Later on, he also refers to Platonic idealism as a “leprosy” (19).

88. See letter to Pellegrini from February 15, 1943 in Shishkin “Perepiska,” 166–8. Ivanov and Croce did have a brief private correspondence, published in Cecchini, Caterina, “Una lettera unedita di Vjačeslav Ivanov a Benedetto Croce,” Russica romana, XI (Rome, 2004): 217–21Google Scholar.

89. For Croce's own account of his relationship with fascism, see Sprigge, Cecil J. S., Benedetto Croce: Man and Thinker (New Haven, 1952), 62 Google Scholar.

90. See Shishkin and Giuliano, “Vokrug vstrechi,” 397–98. According to these authors, his skepticism towards Russian philosophy derived in part from the religions orientations of many Russian thinkers.

91. See Cecchini, “Lettera,” and Sprigge, Croce, 23.

92. See Shishkin and Giuliano, “Vokrug vstrechi,” 404, citing R. Antonelli.

93. Ibid., 404.

94. Shiskin and Giuliano, “Vokrug vstrechi,” 400, citing a letter from Ivanov to Herbert Steiner from April 26, 1936, originally published by Wachtel, Dichtung und Briefwechsel, 150.

95. Wachtel, Dichtung und Briefwechsel, 150. For the source of the term (from Giuseppe Toff anin's History of Humanism), see Curtius’ letter to Ivanov from February 5, 1934 in ibid., 62–63. For Pellegrini, see Ivanov's letter to him from April 19, 1934 in Shishkin and Cecchini, “Perepiska.” Curtius repeats the term in his brief Convegno piece (271).

96. Shishkin and Giuliano, “Vokrug vstrechi.” See also Ivanov's opposition of these same terms in his discussion of his conversation in his “Letter to Charles Du Bos.” See the updated version cited in n8, 84.

97. Recalled by Cesare Angelini. See ibid., 401, as well as Fausto Malcovati, Ivanov a Pavia, 1986, 16–17.

98. Shishkin and Giuliano, “Vokrug vstrechi,” 456, 470–72.

99. This text was composed as a dialogue between “Αίλουρος,” or “The Cat”—Ivanov himself—and “Catellus,” or “The Puppy,” against a position articulated by “Canis,” or “The Dog,” as well as “old cynic” (a term derived from the Greek word for “dog,” as well as a reference to the philosopher Diogenes). Shishkin and Giuliano, “Vokrug vstrechi.” These authors, who mistakenly translate “Catellus” as “the little cat,” presume that “Catellus” refers to Ivanov's daughter Lidiia.

100. Ibid., 405.

101. See Cavicchioli's piece republished in Garzonio and Sulpasso, “Cavicchioli e Ivanov,” especially 180–81.

102. It should be noted that Ivanov's devotion to Christian universalism was connected to his prejudice against “Asian” and “Asianess.” He and Solov′ev both link these notions to nihilism and anti-Christianity. For a general discussion of Solov′ev's infl uence on symbolism with regard to constructions of Asia, see Lim, Susanna Soojung, China and Japan in the Russian Imagination, 1685–1922: To the Ends of the Orient (London, 2013), 149–69Google Scholar.

103. Gershenzon considered Ivanov the text's primary author, but Bird argues that he exaggerated the passivity of his role in the exercise (see his article in Ivanov and Gershenzon, Perepiska, 91–92, 98–99).

104. Shishkin and Cecchini, “Perepiska.” See also the Ivanov's fi nal extant letter to Pellegrini, from February 15, 1943 (ibid.)

105. Indeed, all its books on philosophical subjects were banned. See Signorelli's letter from April 4, 1940, in Kumpan, “Perepiska.”

106. See Wachtel, “Missing Link.”