Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 January 2017
To most Western observers Soviet penal policy means Stalin's labor camps, and what is known about the camps comes from the writings of Alexander Solzhenitsyn. In our admiration of Solzhenitsyn's portrayal of the camps, however, we ought not to accept on faith his version of Soviet penal history. Solzhenitsyn treats Soviet penal practice before 1929 simply as a stage in the development of the camps. He finds the roots of Stalin's camps in Lenin's Russia, and from those roots, he argues, the camps developed steadily and inevitably. To be sure, with hindsight one can plausibly regard the civil war camps as precedent for the later ones and the camps of Solovki during the 1920s as the embryo from which the Stalinist camps grew. But to look only at these developments is to take a selective or partial view of early Soviet penal history, for the civil war period contained the embryo of another penal policy, a progressive policy, which differed radically from that practiced by the Cheka and OGPU. And it was this progressive policy, not the Cheka's approach, which gained the predominant position during the NEP years.
The research for this essay was supported by grants from the Office of Research Administration, University of Toronto, from the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council, and from the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies of The Wilson Center. Part of the research was conducted while the author was a fellow at the Kennan Institute. The author is grateful to Stephen F. Cohen for helpful comments on an earlier draft of the present article.
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71. “O reforme Ispravitel'no-trudovoi kodekse,” AV, 1929, no. 9, pp. 21-27. As a rule, during the 1920s better conditions and more lenient regimes prevailed in the agricultural and factory colonies than in the prisons, not to mention the camps. But most of the timber and construction colonies formed in 1929-30 seemed to be different, more like OGPU camps than like agricultural colonies. The new colonies were many times larger than the older ones, were often located in remote areas, and called for hard physical labor. Even so, the word “colony” did not take on the overtones of the word “camp,” and because of its neutral connotation it was adopted after Stalin's death to describe the bulk of Soviet penal institutions. Today, as in the 1930s, corrective-labor colonies in the USSR vary greatly in severity, depending upon the regime, the location, and the work.
72. Shirvindt, E, “Obostrenie klassovoi bor'by i ugolovnaia repressiia,” in Shirvindt, E. G., ed., Klassovaia bor'ba i prestupnosf (Moscow, 1930), pp. 3–11 Google Scholar; Shirvindt, E. and Utevskii, B., Sovetskoe ispravitcl'no-trudovoe pravo (Moscow, 1931), p. 90 Google Scholar. To dispose of the peasant convicts whom the OGPU and Narkomvnudel could not handle a new type of exile was devised, “exile combined with compulsory work” (see “O vysylke i ssylke, primeniaemykh po sudebnym prigovoram,” Postanovlenie VTsIK i SNK 10 ianvaria 1930 g., in Sbornik dokamentov, pp. 348-50). It was eliminated in 1933.
73. “Prikaz no. 138 Glavnogo upravleniia mestami zakliucheniia RSFSR ot 19 ianvaria 1930 g.,” Biulleten’ NKVD, 1930, no. 4, p. 58; “Tsirkuliar no. 147 GUMZ ot 13 fevralia [1930,” Biulleten’ NKVD, 1930, no. 5; “Tsirkuliar no. 234 GUMZ ot 20 aprelia 1930,” \ Biulleten’ NKVD, 1930, no. 14, p. 257; Shirvindt, E, “Zadachi NKVD i ego mestnykh iorganov v rekonstruktivnom periode,” AV, 1930, no. 2, pp. 1–5.Google Scholar
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77. Upon losing his position as chief of the Narkomvnudel penal system, Shirvindt went to work in the Commissariat of Water Transport. He returned to penal affairs in 1933 as the senior inspector of places of confinement for the newly created USSR Procuracy, where he remained until his arrest in 1937. In 1955, Shirvindt returned to help revive penological research inside the Ministry of Internal Affairs (see Solomon, Peter H. Jr., Soviet Criminologists and Criminal Policy: Specialists in Policy-making [New York and London, 1978], pp. 45, 180-81).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
78. The administrative orders of the penal administration (GUITU) and the discussions of its operation in Narkomiust's collegium reveal this bias (SIu, 1931-34, passim).
79. “Osnovnye printsipy ispravitel'no-trudovoi politiki NKIu i tipy mest lisheniia svobody i organov ispravitel'no-trudovykh rabot bez soderzhaniia pod strazhei,” SIu, 1931, no. 18, pp. 23-26; B. Utevskii, “Chto dal smotr administrativnoi raboty ITU,” SIu, 1933, no. 23, pp. 13-15.
80. A., “Ispravitel'no-trudovye organy na novom etape,” SIu, 1932, no. 3, pp. 10-18; A. Bystrova, “Ispravitel'no-trudovye kolonii,” in Sovetskaia ugolovnaia repressiia, pp. 152—57; Volkov, G, “Nakazanie v sovetskom ugolovnom prave,” Problemy ugolovnoi politiki, vol. 1 (Moscow, 1935), p. 67–69.Google Scholar
81. Already in 1933, four times as many prisoners were released through the zachety as by parole (A., “Ispravitel'no-trudovye organy”). In 1938 parole was eliminated entirely, but the system of zachety continued.
82. See, for example, Vyshinskii, A. la., ed., Ot tiurem k vospitatel'nym uchrezhdeniiam (Moscow, 1934).Google Scholar
83. The transfer took place in October, three months after the formation of NKVD SSSR ( Utevskii, B. S., Sovetskaia ispravitel'no-trudovaia politika [Moscow, 1935], p. 8).Google Scholar
84. Moshe, Lewin, Russian Peasants and Soviet Power (London, 1968), pp. 219, 389-90.Google Scholar
85. Shirvindt, “Obostrenie klassovoi bor'by,” pp. 5-7.
86. See Sbornik dokumentov, items 295, 314, 325, 326, 327, 328, 332, 333.
87. “Ob okhrane imushchestva gosudarstvennykh predpriiatii, kolkhozov i kooperatsii i ukreplenii obshchestvennoi (sotsialisticheskoi) sobstvennosti,” Postanovlenie TsIK i SNK SSSR 7 avgusta 1932 g., in Sbornik dokumentov, pp. 335-36.
88. Sbornik dokumentov, items 342 and 351.
89. Shirvindt, “Obostrenie klassovoi bor'by.”
90. Sbornik raz “iasncnii Verkhovnogo suda RSFSR, 3rd ed. (Moscow, 1932), p. 260. According to Shirvindt, 20.8 percent of persons convicted of counterrevolutionary crimes in the first months of 1930 were shot (see Shirvindt,” Obostrenie klassovoi bor'by,” p. 9).
91. I have calculated these relationships using Iakubovich's data on punishments and Shliapochnikov's on convictions. Note that the 1933 conviction rates are artificially low due to the omission of autonomous republics which were included in 1928 and 1929 ( Iakubovich, M, “O pravovoi prirode instituta uslovnogo osuzhdeniia,” Sovetskoe gosudarstvo i pravo, 1946, no. 11-12, p. 55 Google Scholar; A. S., Shliapochnikov, “Prestupnost’ i repressiia v SSSR [Kratkii obzor],” Problemy ugolovnoi poliiiki, vol. 1, pp. 75–100).Google Scholar
92. Shargorodskii shows that in 1931 one-quarter of the prisoners held in the colonies of Narkomiust (1) had received terms of three years or more (Shargorodskii, Nakascmiia, p. 84).
93. Ibid.
94. Gertsenzon, A, “Klassovaia bor'ba i perezhitki starogo byta,” SIu, 1934, no. 1, pp. 16–17.Google Scholar
95. Sbornik raz “iasnenii Verkhovnogo suda RSFSR, pp. 259, 284, 235.
96. Moreover, during 1932-33 some judges were prone to extend the law of August 7, 1932, through analogy beyond its intended scope (see Shliapochnikov, “Prestupnost1 i repressiia v SSSR,” pp. 75-100).
97. Shvets, N, “O prinuditel'nykh rabotakh po mestu sluzhby,” Sotsialisticheskaia zakonnost'y 1939, no. 5, pp. 6–7Google Scholar (hereafter cited as SZ).
98. Tadevosian, , “Politika i praktika primeneniia ispravitel'no-trudovykh rabot,” Za sotsialisticheskuiu zakonnost', 1935, no. 3, pp. 17–22.Google Scholar
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100. Tadevosian, “Politika i praktika” ; Kirzner, A, “Prinuditel'nye raboty ili denezhnyi shtraf,” SZ, 1936, no. 10, p. 56 Google Scholar; Menshagin, V, “O prinuditel'nykh rabotakh po mestu sluzhby,” SZ, 1938, no. 12, pp. 72–73Google Scholar; and ensuing discussion in SZ, 1939, nos. 3, 5, 6, 10-11.
101. Solomon, Schwarz, Labor in the Soviet Union (New York, 1951), p. 86–105.Google Scholar
102. “O perekhode na vos'michasovoi rabochii den', na semidnevnuiu rabochuiu nedeliu i o zapreshchenii samovol'nogo ukhoda rabochikh i sluzhashchikh s predpriatii i uchrezhdenii,” Ukaz Prezidiuma Verkhovnogo soveta SSSR ot 26 iiunia 1940, Sbornik dokumentov, pp. 405-6; “Ob ugolovnoi otvetstvennosti za melkie krazhi na proizvodstvo i za khuliganstvo,” Ukaz Prezidiuma Verkhovnogo soveta SSSR ot 10 avgusta 1940, Sbornik dokumentov, pp. 407-8.
103. Shargorodskii, Nakazaniia, pp. 75 and 108.