1. Lukas, Richard C., The Forgotten Holocaust: The Poles Under German Occupation, 1939–1944 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1986), p. 125Google Scholar.

2. Ibid., pp. 127–128.

3. Krakowski, Shmuel, The War of the Doomed: Jewish Armed Resistance in Poland, 1942–1944 (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1984 Google Scholar; Gutman, Yisrael, The Jews of Warsaw, 1939–1943: Ghetto, Underground, Revolt (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982 Google Scholar; Dawidowicz, Lucy S., The War Against the Jews (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1975)Google Scholar. In On the Edge of Destruction: Jews of Poland between the Two World Wars (New York: Schocken, 1980), Celia Heller cites only about 10percent of the autobiographies and diaries of young Jews collected and housed today at YIVO. Thiscollection constituted the most important manuscript source in her highly touted study.

4. Lukas, The Forgotten Holocaust, p. 125.

5. Engel is unable or unwilling to accept the complexity of Polish-Jewish relations. There are noeasy answers to the events of 1918–1920. As Davies correctly observed, “It is almost as difficult todayto determine the exact truth about Polish Jewry in 1918–1920 as it was for contemporary observers.” The evidence of the Morgenthau and Samuel commissions is conflicting. Captain Peter Wright refusedto associate himself with the report of his chairman, Sir Stuart Samuel, and thought the anti-Semiticacts in Poland were “small and trivial.” Morgenthau failed to gain the confidence of the non-Jewishmembers of his commission too. Contrary to Engel's claims, the reason Morgenthau did not mentionChristian casualties in his report was because that is not what he was sent there to investigate.Concerning the Pihsk affair, United States and British experts disagreed with Morgenthau. Davies iscorrect when he says, “In a wartime situation it was impossible to disentangle acts of gratuitousanti-Semitism from the commonplace looting and brutality of the soldiery. Certainly, ‘pogrom’ in theaccepted sense of the deliberate lynching of Jewish civilians cannot be applied to the great majorityof incidents.” This analysis by Davies is contained in his article, based on extensive research inoriginal sources, that he cited in God's Playground: A History of Poland. See Davies, Norman, “GreatBritain and the Polish Jews, 1918–20,” Journal of Contemporary History 8, no. 2 (1973): 119–142Google Scholar.

6. Mendelsohn, Ezra, The Jews of East Central Europe between the World Wars (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983, p. 32 Google Scholar; Celia Heller, On the Edge of Destruction, p. 66.

7. One of the interviews, which illustrates my point, was with Rabbi Joseph Friedenson whotold me that as a student in a yeshiva in Lublin, he was one of the few students who knew Polish. Hespent most of his time interpreting for his Jewish and Polish schoolmates. Interview with Friedenson, 13 June 1984. An assimilated Polish Jew reported in his book that Jewish schools in Poland taughtYiddish and Hebrew but not much Polish. See Hirszfeld, Ludwik, Historia Jednego tycia (Warsaw: Pax, 1957, pp. 419–420 Google Scholar.

8. Heller, On the Edge of Destruction, p. 68.

9. Many of the individuals listed in the bibliography of my book made comments to me on thispoint during my interviews and correspondence with them.

10. Steinberg, Lucien, The Jews against Hitler (Not as a Lamb) (London: Gordon and Cremonesi, 1978, p. 168 Google Scholar.

11. Lukas, The Forgotten Holocaust, p. 126.

12. I recommend that Engel read Edward Wynot's Polish Politics in Transition: The National Camp of Unity and the Struggle for Power, 1935–39 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1974 Google Scholar toacquaint himself with Polish domestic politics in the 1930s. Wynot obviously had no problems withmy analysis on this point because he wrote a favorable review of The Forgotten Holocaust in The American Historical Review 92 (February 1987): 172–173.

13. Lukas, The Forgotten Holocaust, pp. 126–127.

14. Message, Grot-Rowecki to Polish government, 25 September 1941, copy in author's files.

15. Karski Report, February 1940, in Stanislaw Mikolajczyk papers, box 12, Hoover Institution.

16. Lukas, The Forgotten Holocaust, p. 127.

17. Ibid., 127–128. Jewish collaboration with the Soviets was nothing new. Jozef Pilsudski, aphilo-Semite, observed that during the time of the Russo-Polish War, there were “sometimes evenmassive betrayals on the part of the Jews.” See Pilsudski, Jozef, Pisma Zbiorowe (Warsaw: InstytutJozefa Piisudskiego, 1937) 5: 167Google Scholar. Among his errors, Engel claims that one-fourth to one-third ofPolish citizens deported to the Soviet interior were Jewish. This figure refers not to deportees but toPolish citizens who reported to Polish consulate representatives in the Soviet Union. Out of an estimated1.5 million Polish citizens who were deported, perhaps 100, 000 were Jewish.

18. Lukas, The Forgotten Holocaust, pp. 131–133.

19. Nowhere in the materials I studied did I find support for the claim that Anders endorsed anumerus clausus in the Polish army. Neither his order of 14 November 1941, nor the controversialorder of 30 November 1941, which Engel accepts as genuine, supports the claim. If anything, thesedocuments argue against it. In his letter to Sikorski on 5 September 1941, Stanislaw Kot specificallysays in reference to the question of the Jews in the Polish army that Anders “promised that wheneverpossible he would emphasize that they were to be treated favorably.” In his mesage to Mikolajczyk inOctober 1941, Kot refers to the desire of individuals within the Polish military establishment toimpose a numerus clausus but he obviously was not talking about Anders. As he spells out in thePolish version of his book, Kot referred to officers of the “type” of Colonel Stanislaw Pstrokoriski.Perhaps the most convincing evidence that Anders favored a single Polish army without distinctionof race or religion was the response of several Jewish leaders, including Igancy Schwarzbart, whoapplauded his efforts in this regard. See my discussion of the subject in The Forgotten Holocuast, pp.131–132, and supporting notes, p. 254.

20. Lukas, The Forgotten Holocaust, p. 132. If the Anders order is indeed genuine, a carefulreading reveals that it had less to do with the policy of Anders toward Jewish soldiers in the Polisharmy during the war, which was applauded by Jewish leaders, than with what Polish postwar policyshould be toward Jews, especially those who had collaborated with the Soviets. Rozkaz Gen. Andersaw Sprawie 2ydow, 30 November 1941, in Kot, Stanislaw, Listy z Rosji do Gen. Sikorskiego (London: St. Martin's Printers, 1955) pp. 465–466Google Scholar.

21. Lukas, The Forgotten Holocaust, pp. 133–134.

22. Ibid., p. 135.

23. Letter, Helpern to Anthony Eden's private secretary, 7 February 1944, and letter from Allen, with enclosure, 17 February 1944, in FO 371/39480, Public Record Office, London. In his report tothe president of the Polish republic, General Sosnkowski says seventy-nine, not sixty-eight, Jewsdeserted from the Polish army in January 1944. See Depesza i Zalacznik, Sosnkowski do Prezydenta, 4 July 1944, in A. 48 10a in Polish Institute and General Sikorski Museum, London.

24. Lukas, The Forgotten Holocaust, p. 221.

25. Norman F. Cantor and Richard I. Schneider, How to Study History (New York: Crowell, 1967, pp. 37–38 Google Scholar.