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Moscow-Cairo Crisis, 1959

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2017

Oles M. Smolansky*
Affiliation:
Department of International Relations, Lehigh University

Extract

The Palestine war of 1947-48, which resulted in the defeat of the combined armies of several Arab states and led to the establishment of the state of Israel, set in motion a process of political, economic, and social change in the Arab East the end of which is not yet in sight. This fermentation brought with it frequent outbursts of passion and violence—witness the chronic instability of Syrian politics, the Egyptian revolution (1952), upheavals in Lebanon (1958), Iraq (1958 and 1963), Yemen (1962), and numerous abortive attempts to overthrow Jordan's King Hussein. Nourishing the fermentation and gripping the entire area was a fever of intense nationalism that held the Western powers responsible for the emergence of Israel and demanded immediate and unconditional termination of Western interference in Arab affairs.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies. 1963

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References

1 Bernard, Lewis, “The Middle Eastern Reaction to Soviet Pressures,” Middle East Journal, Vol. X, No. 2 (1956), pp. 125–37.Google Scholar

2 For more details see Ivar Spector, “Russia in the Middle East,” Current History, Feb., 1957, pp. 83-88, and Harold H. Fisher, “Russia's Interest in the Middle East,” ibid., Nov., 1957, pp. 277-82.

3 Nasser's interview with a correspondent of al-Kifaah (Beirut) of Jan. 2, 1958, as quoted in Egyptian Mail, Jan. 4, 1958.

4 Mustafa Amin in Akhbar al-Yawm (Cairo), Nov. 23, 1957.

5 K. CMHPHOB in Hseecmun, Dec. 3, 1957.

6 See Nasser's interview (note 3).

7 Nasser quoted by Mustafa Amin in Akhbar al-Yawm, Mar. 29, 1959.

8 Laqueur, Walter Z., The Soviet Union and the Middle East (New York: Praeger, 1959, p. 256 Google Scholar, and Dallin, David J., Soviet Foreign Policy after Stalin (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1961, p. 469.Google Scholar

9 For example, technical aid for mapping the country and making a geological survey would provide the Soviet government with useful strategic information. In helping build military installations, such as ports and airfields, the Russians might have expected to use them in case of an emergency. And through aid to Syria in the construction of power stations, dams, roads, and bridges, Moscow might have hoped to establish itself as a friend of all underdeveloped nations and a sponsor of positive neutralism and Arab nationalism.

10 See Laqueur, op. cit., p. 260.

11 See Mustafa Amin (note 7) and Dallin, op. cit., p. 469.

12 See Laqueur, op. cit., p. 260.

13 Zviagin, Y, “Middle East: Imperialist Comeback Plans,” New Times, No. 52 (Dec), 1958, pp. 810 Google Scholar. See also , No. 3, 1960, pp. 8-11.

14 In the second half of 1958, Khalid Baghdash, Secretary-General of the Syrian Communist Party, demanded more independence for Syria. Pointing out that “different circumstances“ in Egypt and Syria must be taken into account, Baghdash supported the creation of “separate governments and parliaments in addition to a central parliament and government dealing with national defense, foreign policy, and other matters in common.“ All these institutions were to be formed according to “democratic procedure on the basis of free parliamentary elections.” Quoted in Mideast Mirror (Beirut), No. 52 (Dec), 1958, pp. 2-3.

15 For full text of Nasser's Port Said speech of Dec. 23, 1958, see al-Gumhuriya (Cairo), Dec. 24, 1958.

16 Ihsan Abd al-Quddus, “Where Does the Communist Party Stand,” Rose al-Yusef (Cairo), Dec. 29, 1958.

17 Editorial, Dec. 30, 1958.

18 Editorial, Egyptian Gazette, Dec. 30, 1958.

19 Text in , Jan. 28, 1959.

20 Hassanein Heikal in al-Ahram (Cairo), Jan. 29, 1959.

21 For texts of Nasser's speeches of Mar. 22 and 30, 1959, see al-Gumhuriya, Mar. 23 and

31 1959, respectively. References to Khrushchev's remarks made by Nasser in these speeches.

22 Palme Dutt, R., “Britain, Oil and Middle Eastern Liberation,” World Marxist Review, No. 10 (Oct.), 1959, pp. 3940.Google Scholar

23 Ibid., p. 42. Similar views were expressed also in , No. 1, 1960, pp. 8-9. See also Ivanov, K, “The Middle Eastern Situation,” International Affairs, No. 1 (Jan.), 1959, pp. 7681 Google Scholar, and Zviagin, Y, “Middle East: Imperialist Comeback Plans,” New Times, No. 52 (Dec), 1958, pp. 810.Google Scholar

24 Ivanov, op. cit., p. 80. However, since the slogan of Arab unity was at the time used successfully by Nasser to advance the very policies opposed by the Soviet government, Soviet publicists were careful not to overemphasize its importance: “As Marxists, we are by no means inclined to make a fetish of Arab unity as such or to ignore the fact that in certain circumstances it may be utilized for a time by the reactionary forces which strive to impede the current progressive development of the Arab peoples.” Ibid., p. 78. See also K. Ivanov, “Cross-Roads in the Middle East,” International Affairs, No. 5 (May), 1959, pp. 24-31.

25 Statements by the Iraqi Communist Party in World Marxist Review, No. 2 (Feb.), 1959, pp. 67-68. The platform of the Syrian Communist Party, ibid., pp. 57-58, expresses similar sentiments.

26 Full text of the addresses in International Affairs, No. 3 (Mar.), 1959, pp. 64-83. See also the findings of a seminar on the “National Bourgeoisie,” held in the Leipzig Institute of World History in May, 1959, in World Marxist Review, No. 8 (Aug.), 1959, pp. 61-81, and No. 9 (Sept.), 1959, p p. 66-81.

27 Zhukov in International Affairs, No. 3, 1959, pp. 68 and 66, respectively. For more details see also , No. 2, 1959, p. 49 et passim.

28 Zhukov, op. cit., p. 66. See also A. A. Guber, “Distinctive Features o£ the National Liberation Movement in the Eastern Colonial and Dependent Countries,” International Affairs, No. 3, 1959, pp. 71-75, and «0cH0BHtie npoSieiiH …,” , No. 1, 1960, p. 3 et passim.

29 As quoted by Zhukov, op. cit., p. 68, Khrushchev stated in his report to the 21st Party Congress: “The struggle against Communist and other progressive parties is reactionary. The pursuit of an anti-Communist policy does not unite the national forces, but divides them and hence weakens the efforts of the entire nation in the defense of its interests against imperialism.” For more details see No. 5, 1961, pp. 15-31.

30 For subsequent elaboration of the Soviet view and the introduction of the concept of “national democracy” see No. 1, 1961, pp. 3-12. See also , No. 5, 1961, pp. 6-7.

31 This subject, though very important, is outside the scope of this article. It should be noted, however, that the Communist Party, along with other traditional political groups, has been outlawed in Egypt since 1954. The situation in postrevolutionary (1958) Iraq was much more complicated, but Qasim, after initial flirtation, appears to have followed a distinctly anti-Communist line in his domestic policy.

32 It should be noted that the Cairo-Moscow rift coincided with the bitter ideological dispute between Moscow and Peking concerning, among other things, Communist strategy and tactics in the underdeveloped world. For details see Richard, Lowenthal, “Diplomacy and Revolution: The Dialectics of a Dispute,” The China Quarterly, No. 5 (Jan.-Mar.), 1961, pp. 124 Google Scholar, and Donald S., Zagoria, “Sino-Soviet Friction in Underdeveloped Areas, “ Problems of Communism, No. 2 (Mar.-Apr.), 1961, pp. 113 Google Scholar. This problem, too, is outside the scope of this article.

33 For some details of Moscow's peaceful penetration see Ivar Spector, “Soviet Foreign Policy in the Arab World,” Current History, Jan., 1959, pp. 13-17.

34 Soviet publications nonetheless continued to blast the UAR government periodically for persecuting Communists in both Egypt and Syria. For example, see Farouk, Mahmoud, “Against the Persecution of Democrats,” World Marxist Review, No. 3 (Mar.), 1960, pp. 8687 Google Scholar, and Karim, Hafid, “What President Nasser Says and What He Holds Back,” ibid., No. 6 (June), 1960, pp. 8486.Google Scholar