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Lenin and Pravda, 1912-1914
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 January 2017
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In 1962 a gathering of Soviet historians at the Academy of Sciences chose the fiftieth anniversary of Pravda’s founding to call attention to certain shortcomings in Soviet scholarship concerning V. I. Lenin’s leadership of the famous Bolshevik daily. It was noted that although a considerable amount had been written on Lenin’s literary contributions to the paper, insufficient attention had been paid to the problem of its political leadership during the crucial two years before the war. This observation heralded the publication of several detailed studies which predictably found that Stalin, Molotov, and certain other “conciliatory elements” within Pravda’s editorial board had hindered Lenin’s efforts to complete the work of the Prague Conference in equating the Bolshevik faction with the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party.
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References
1. “V otdelenii istoricheskikh nauk AN SSSR i nauchnykh sovetakh,” Voprosy istorii, 1962, no. 8, pp. 122-23.
2. See, for example, Andronov, S. A., Boevoe oruzhie partii: Gazeta ‘Pravda’ v 1912-1917 godakh (Leningrad, 1962)Google Scholar; Loginov, V. T., Lenin i ‘Pravda, ’ 1912-1914 godov (Moscow, 1962)Google Scholar; and numerous journal articles cited below.
3. Lenin, V. I., Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 5th ed., 55 vols. (Moscow, 1958-65), vol. 48Google Scholar, which includes fifty-two letters to the editors of Pravda, half of which did not appear in his “collected works” before 1957. “Deiatel'nost' TsK RSDRP po rukovodstvu gazetoi ‘Pravda, ’ 1912-1914 gg.,” Istoricheskii arkhiv, 1959, no. 4, pp. 39-56; “Zasedaniia TsK RSDRP 15-17 aprelia 1914 goda,” Voprosy istorii KPSS, 1957, no. 4, pp. 112-25; G. V. Petriakov, “Deiatel'nost' V. I. Lenina po rukovodstvu ‘Pravdoi’ v 1912-1914 godakh,” Voprosy istorii, 1956, no. 11, pp. 3-16. Many of these resolutions, which were omitted from earlier volumes of collected party documents, have been included in the eighth edition of Kommunisticheskaia partiia sovetskogo soiuza v rezoliutsiiakh i resheniiakh s"ezdov, konferentsii i plenumov TsK (hereafter KPSS v rez.), vol. 1: 1898-1917 (Moscow, 1970).
4. Lenin, PSS, 48: 33-34.
5. These arguments are summarized by one of Zvezda’s editors, N. N. Baturin, in Zvezda, no. 1, Jan. 6, 1912, p. 1; see also correspondence in Zvezda, no. 28, Nov. 5, 1911, pp. 1-2; no. 33, Dec. 10, 1911, p. 2; no. 35, Dec. 22, 1911, p. 5; no. 36, Dec. 31, 1911, p. 3; no. 2, Jan. 15, 1912, p. 3; and comments by M. S. Ol'minsky, in Pravda, no. 101, Aug. 26, 1912, p. 3.
6. V. T. Loginov, “Lenin i ‘Pravda, ’” Bol'shevistskaia pechat' i rabochii klass rossii v gody revoliutsionnogo pod"ema, 1910-1914 (Moscow, 1965), pp. 49-50.
7. “O podgotovke prazhskoi konferentsii RSDRP,” Istoricheskii arkhiv, 1958, no. 5, p. 20.
8. Voronsky, A. K., The Waters of Life and Death (London, [1936]), p. 314 Google Scholar; Lenin, PSS, 48: 81. According to G. E. Zinoviev, however, a number of the émigré Bolsheviks at the conference still had serious reservations about the scheme. Pravda, no. 98, May 5, 1922, p. 1.
9. Lenin, PSS, 21: 453.
10. Lenin might also have been motivated by a desire to counteract Menshevik plans for a joint or competing publication (Lenin, PSS, 48: 37-38). Menshevik efforts in this direction during early 1912 were frustrated by a combination of a lack of money, inopportune arrests, and Bolshevik uncooperativeness now that they had stolen the march on their factional rivals. As a result, the Menshevik daily Luch did not appear until Sept. 16, 1912. See Poletaev, N. G., Pravda, no. 100, May 5, 1925, p. 3, and Pis'ma P. B. Aksel'roda i In. O. Martova, 1901-1916 (Berlin, 1924), pp. 223–26.Google Scholar
11. Tsiavlovsky, M. A., ed., Bol'sheviki: Dokumenty po istorii bol'shevisma s 1903 po 1916 god byvsh. Moskovskago okhrannago otdeleniia (Moscow, 1918), pp. 102–3 Google Scholar. Since both Malinovsky and Shurkanov were their agents, the police should have been well informed about this meeting.
12. Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 1911-1914 gg., 3 vols. (Moscow, 1921-24), 3: 232; G. Zinoviev, Histoire du parti communiste Russe (Paris, 1926), p. 156.
13. Zvezda, no. 33, Apr. 22, 1912, p. 4. Of this sum, 1, 100 rubles came in four relatively large donations of more than 100 rubles each from individuals who probably could not be properly classified as “workers.” Indeed, the published figures may have been purposely inflated and falsified to hide money derived from other, illicit sources mentioned below. Poletaev, in a letter written to the Central Committee on March 20, when Zvezda was publicly acknowledging receipt of 1, 600 rubles, stated privately that worker contributions had brought in only 600 rubles. Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 236.
14. Gor'ky, Maksim, Sobranie sochinenii, 30 vols. (Moscow, 1949-55), 29: 222-23.Google Scholar “Daty zhizni i deiatel'nosti A. M. Gor'kogo,” Krasnyi arkhiv, 1936, no. 5, p. 76.
15. Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 236.
16. See the biography of Molotov, V. M. (who was active in the Kazan organization at the same time as Tikhomirnov) in Deiateli SSSR i Oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii: Avtobiografii i biografii (Moscow, 1926), 2: 63 Google Scholar. Additional information will be found in Denike, Iu, “Kupecheskaia sem'ia Tikhomirnovykh,” Novyi Zhurnal, no. 68 (1962), pp. 280-87Google Scholar; and in Wolfe, Bertram D., Three Who Made a Revolution: A Biographical History (New York, 1948), p. 1948.Google Scholar
17. Pravda, no. 101, Aug. 26, 1912, p. 3.
18. See, for example, Possony, Stefan T., Lenin: The Compulsive Revolutionary (Chicago, 1964), p. 132 Google Scholar; and Smith, Edward Ellis, The Young Stalin: The Early Years of an Elusive Revolutionary (New York, 1967), p. 1967 Google Scholar. Police reports would indicate that the Okhrana was well aware of the potential danger of the proposed legal papers and did everything in its power to nip them in the bud, rather than financing their establishment (see reports in Kikoin V. G., “ ‘Zvezda’ i ‘Pravda, '” Krasnaia letopis, 1930, no. 2, pp. 67-109; and Drabkina F., ed., “Tsarskoe pravitel'stvo i ‘Pravda, '” Istoricheskii zhurnal, 1937, no. 3/4, pp. 115-23).
19. Lenin, PSS, 48: 58; Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 182.
20. Istoriia ‘Pravdy’ v datakh i chislakh, 1912-1927 (Leningrad, 1927), p. 7; Petriakov, G. V., Kollektivnyi agitator, propagandist i organizator: Leninskaia ‘Pravda’ v 1912-1914 gg. (Moscow, 1967), p. 14 Google Scholar.
21. Trotsky, who clearly thought that Poletaev had intentionally expropriated the name of his paper, accused the editors and Lenin of “plagiarism” and “usurpation” and called on them “officially” to change its name (Pravda [Vienna], no. 26, Apr. 23, 1912, p. 6; and letter to N. S. Chkheidze in Lenin o Trotskom i o trotskizma, Moscow, 1925, pp. 171-73Google Scholar). For Lenin’s suggested reply, see Lenin, PSS, 48: 69.
22. Pravda was published daily, except on Monday, and kept to the four-page format except on Christmas, New Year’s, occasional Sundays, and such “red letter” days as Marx’s birthday and International Women’s Day, when it appeared in a six-page edition.
23. An interesting police account of the role of the responsible editor will be found in “Zhandarmy o ‘Pravde, ’” Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, 1923, no. 2, pp. 460-61. See also Whitman Bassow, “The Pre-Revolutionary Pravda and Tsarist Censorship,” American Slavic and East European Review, 13, no. 1 (February 1954): 47-65.
24. It is part of the Pravda legend that Gorky, the “first proletarian writer,” contributed regularly to the party’s first proletarian daily. Actually Gorky contributed only four stories (and two of these were initially written for other publications) despite constant entreaties for more by both Lenin and the editors.
25. Plekhanov, however, protested sharply that he had not given permission for his name to be listed as a contributor. Plekhanov, G. V., Sochineniia, 24 vols. (Moscow, 1923-27), 19: 562-63.Google Scholar
26. Because of Soviet reticence on the subject, the exact composition of Pravda’s editorial board during 1912 is difficult to determine. It probably included Poletaev, Baturin, Olminsky, S. M. Zaks-Gladnev, I. P. Pokrovsky, S. S. Danilov, and K. S. Eremeev.
27. Is epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 245.
28. Pis’ma Aksel'roda i Martova, p. 231.
29. See Molotov’s letter in “Novyi pod”em rabochego dvizheniia, 1910-1914,” Krasnyi arkhiv, 1934, no. 1, p. 234.
30. Lenin, PSS, 21: 375 (italics added).
31. Krupskaia, N. K., Vospominaniia o Lenine (Moscow, 1957), p. 187.Google Scholar
32. Lenin, PSS, 55: 323.
33. Cited in|Petriakov, Kollektivnyi agitator, p. 26.
34. See Ol'minsky, M. S. and Savel'ev, M. A., eds., Pravda, vols. 1-3 (Moscow, 1933)Google Scholar, wherein the editors attempted to identify the pseudonyms of authors of reprinted articles.
35. Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 232.
36. Lenin, PSS, 48: 52.
37. Ibid., p. 62.
38. Ibid., pp. 53-54.
39. See Ordzhonikidze’s letter of February 24 to the Central Committee in Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 233.
40. Stalin himself claimed to the contrary. In 1922 he wrote, “One evening in the middle of April 1912, in the apartment of comrade Poletaev, two Duma deputies (Pokrovsky and Poletaev), two writers (Olminsky and Baturin), and I (a member of the Central Committee) … agreed on the platform of Pravda and drew up the first issue.” Stalin, I. V., Sochineniia, 13 vols. (Moscow, 1947-53), 5: 130.Google Scholar This statement became the basis of the Pravda legend that the paper was “founded on the instructions of V. I. Lenin by the initiative of I. V. Stalin” (ibid., 2: 389).
41. Lenin, PSS, 48: 52.
42. Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 235-39.
43. Lenin, PSS, 48: 61.
44. Martov was quite correct when he informed P. A. Garvi, “The tone taken by Pravda undoubtedly testifies to the fact that Lenin has almost no one to serve as his ‘conscience’ in Russia.” He speculated that Zinoviev would soon be sent to replace Ordzhonikidze and Stalin. Pis'ma Aksel'roda i Martova, p. 235.
45. Lenin, PSS, 48: 66, 116, 191, and 207. Lenin’s salary, which was considerably higher than that paid the actual editors in St. Petersburg (see financial report in “Deiatel'nost' TsK,” pp. 44-45), provided him with his first regular source of income. His conscience must have bothered him, for he wrote Gorky, “There is nothing wrong about contributors to a workers’ paper receiving regular payment; to the contrary, this is all to the good… What is bad about everyone working for a workers’ paper beginning to earn a little? What is offensive about this proposal? (PSS, 48: 100).
46. Lenin, PSS, 48: 164; see also pp. 208 and 213.
47. Ibid., p. 68 (Lenin’s emphasis).
48. See letters to his mother and sister, ibid., 55: 339, 347, and 444.
49. Ibid., 48: 78.
50. Cited in Zinoviev's letter to the editors of July 8, 1912, in Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 188-89.
51. Pravda, no. 80, Aug. 1, 1912, p. 1. This qualification does not appear in articles Lenin published in journals under his own editorship.
52. Is epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 243.
53. Krupskaia, Vospominaniia o Lenine, p. 194.
54. Ibid., p. 210.
55. Lenin, PSS, 48: 74 (Lenin’s emphasis). This article did in fact appear somewhat later in Pravda, no. 66, July 15, 1912, p. 1.
56. Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 1: 44.
57. On occasion, some of these were published in Nevskaia zvezda, much to the displeasure of Lenin who wanted the larger Pravda audience. See Lenin, PSS, 48: 73.
58. Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy’ 1: 44. It is quite possible that a number of these articles were written by Kamenev, who, to Lenin’s irritation, had his first eight manuscripts rejected by Pravda’s editors. See ibid., 3: 189; and Lenin, PSS, 48: 70 and 87.
59. Ibid., 21: 397-99 and 466-68, 22: 275-76, 23: 89-90.
60. Ibid., 48: 97-98, 95.
61. Ibid., p. 152.
62. Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 240. It is perhaps as a result of this correspondence that Lenin developed a rather negative view of Molotov, whom he later allegedly referred to as an “incurable dumbbell” and a “glorified filing clerk.”
63. See, for example, Loginov, Bol'shevistskaia pechat', p. 56.
64. Statistics on Pravda’s circulation and income can be found in Lenin, PSS, 23: 97-98, 48: 133; Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 245.
65. Lenin, PSS, 48: 137 and 139 (Lenin’s emphasis). See also letters to Kamenev, 48: 121, 143, and 145.
66. Ibid., pp. 70-71 (Lenin’s emphasis).
67. Ibid., 21: 395-96 (Lenin’s emphasis).
68. Ibid., 48: 72 and 76; Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 244.
69. Badayev, A., The Bolsheviks in the Tsarist Duma (London, n.d.), p. 25.Google Scholar
70. Lenin, PSS, 48: 117.
71. See Reddaway, Peter, “Literature, the Arts and the Personality of Lenin,” in Lenin: The Man, the Theorist, the Leader (London, 1967), pp. 49–50.Google Scholar
72. Loginov, V. T., “O rukovodstve TsK RSDRP bol'shevistskoi gazetoi ‘Pravda’ v 1912-1914 gg.,” Voprosy istorii KPSS, 1957, no. 1, p. 121.Google Scholar
73. Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 201.
74. Ibid., p. 203.
75. Ibid., p. 245.
76. Quoted in Lenin, PSS, 48: 126 and 129.
77. See letter to Stalin of Dec. 10, 1912, in Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 201-2. Although this letter is attributed to Krupskaia and is not found in Lenin's collected works, it is obviously of his authorship.
78. Lenin, PSS, 48: 127. See also his letter to the Duma fraction of Dec. 4, 1912 (pp. 129-30).
79. Ibid., p. 161; see also Krupskaia’s letter to Stalin of Dec. 14, 1912, in Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 203. Ironically, Bogdanov protested that his name had been listed among Pravda’s contributors without his permission and should be removed. Pravda, no. 24, Jan. 30, 1913, p. 2.
80. Considerable material concerning Central Committee activities in Galicia, which Lenin had to abandon when World War I broke out, was turned over to the Soviet Union only in 1954.
81. KPSS v res., 1: 367.
82. It is difficult to piece together information about this abortive venture. It apparently had a name (Rabochii golos), a coalitional editorial board under Poletaev, and a treasury of several thousand rubles. It collapsed when the Bolshevik Duma deputies fell into line behind Lenin. See letters from Zinoviev (“Lenin i ‘Pravda, ’ 1912-1913 gg.: Perepiska, “ Krasnaia letopis, 1924, no. 1, pp. 72-73) and from Stalin (Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i Pravdy, ’ 3: 246-47).
83. Lenin, PSS, 48: 152.
84. Ibid., pp. 156-58 (Lenin’s emphasis). See also letters from Zinoviev and Krupskaia in Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 203-10.
85. See police report in “K 20-letiiu smerti I. M. Sverdlova,” Krasnyi arkhiv, 1939, no. 1, p. 80. Trotsky concluded (Stalin: An Appraisal of the Man and His Influence, New York, 1941, pp. 146-51Google Scholar) that Stalin was also in momentary disgrace, because he was sent to Vienna to work on the nationality problem rather than back to St. Petersburg. Although it is evident that he had been unsuccessful in bringing Pravda under the Central Committee’s thumb and had probably contributed to its conciliatory trend (see, for example, his article on E. O. Jagiello in Pravda, no. 182, Dec. 1, 1912), it should be noted that none of Lenin’s letters to him during this period imply dissatisfaction (see letters of Nov. 23 and 28, Dec. 1 and 3, in Lenin, PSS, 48: 117-29; and one sent in Krupskaia’s name on December 10 in Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 201-2). It might be argued that it was consistent with Stalin’s character that he leaned one direction in St. Petersburg and another in Cracow and thus escaped censure from either side.
86. Lenin, PSS, 48: 163.
87. Iz epokhi ‘Zvezdy’ i ‘Pravdy, ’ 3: 246. This letter is mistakenly attributed to Sverdlov.
88. Volodarskaia, A. M., Lenin i partiia v gody nazrevaniia revoliutsionnogo krizisa, 1913-1914 (Moscow, 1960), pp. 126–27 Google Scholar; Petriakov, Voprosy istorii, 1956, no. 11, p. 9. The choice of Skvortsov-Stepanov is curious, because Lenin at the time had a very negative view of his political and journalistic abilities. See letter to Gorky in Lenin, PSS, 48: 153-54.
89. Krupskaia, Vospominaniia o Lenine, p. 197.
90. Lenin, PSS, 48: 172.
91. Ibid., p. 211 (Lenin’s emphasis).
92. See letters to Gorky, Plekhanov, and Kamenev, ibid., pp. 139, 198-99, 201-2. The school, which was to have met at Lenin’s summer home in Poronin, never was held owing to a lack of money, the arrest of the school’s organizer, and the reluctance of some of the deputies to leave Russia during the Duma recess. Volodarskaia, Lenin i partiia, pp. 144, 154-61.
93. Lenin, PSS, 48: 174, 182-83, 188-89; and letter from the Central Committee to N. I. Podvoisky in “1912-1913 gg.,” Proletarskaia rcvoliutsiia, 1923, no. 2, pp. 442-43.
94. Pravda, no. 120, May 26, 1913, p. 2; Lenin, PSS, 23: 246-47.
95. Lenin, PSS, 48: 189.
96. Tsiavlovsky, Bol’sheviki, p. 131.
97. Ibid., p. xxii. Soviet historians have tried to minimize Chernomazov’s role in Pravda’s operations by claiming that he was merely the secretary of its editorial board. Some Western writers (e.g., Possony and Smith), on the other hand, have tried to magnify his role by claiming that he was the “official editor” from the paper’s very inception. In reality, while Chernomazov had no association with Pravda before May 1913, after that date he was its de facto editor.
98. See police report of Aug. 15, 1913, in “Novyi pod"em,” p. 242.
99. See court decision in Kikoin, Krasnaia letopis, 1930, no. 2, p. 106.
100. Ibid., p. 105; Loginov, Bol'shevistskaia pechat', p. 66; “Deiatel'nost' TsK,” p. 53.
101. Lenin, PSS, 48: 212 (Lenin’s emphasis).
102. Ibid., pp. 214 and 260. Judging from Lenin’s correspondence, he did not suspect that these were deliberate provocations. See, for instance, the very friendly and complimentary letter which he and Kamenev sent to Chernomazov on Oct. 8, 1913, in Krasnaia letopis, 1924, no. 1, pp. 78-79. Lenin’s portion of this letter is not reproduced in his Polnoe sobranie sochinenii.
103. Lenin, PSS, 48: 207.
104. Ibid., p. 200; Tsiavlovsky, Bol'sheviki, pp. 132-33; KPSS v rez., 1: 384.
105. See letters from K. N. Samoilova and E. F. Rozmirovich in “Deiatel'nost’ TsK,” pp. 45-48.
106. “Iz perepiski TsK RSDRP s mestnymi partiinymi organizatsiiami, 1912-1914 gg.,” Istoricheskii arkhiv, 1960, no. 2, p. 30.
107. “Deiatel'nost' TsK,” p. 42.
108. Ibid., pp. 41-43.
109. Ibid., p. 46.
110. See letters from Rozmirovich (Feb. 5, 1914) and Samoilova (Feb. 9, 1914) to the Central Committee, ibid., pp. 50-52. Lenin’s account of Chernomazov’s dismissal, written in 1917, differs somewhat in detail from the above summary. See Lenin, PSS, 31: 79-82.
111. Ibid., 48: 272 (Lenin’s emphasis).
112. Ibid., p. 279.
113. Ibid., 25: 420.
114. I. A. Portiankin, “V. I. Lenin i bol'shevistskaia pechat', 1895-1914 godov,” Voprosy istorii, 1961, no. 4, p. 20.
115. B. N. Ponomarev, ed., Istoriia kommunisticheskoi partii sovetskogo soiuza, 3rd ed. (Moscow, 1969), p. 147.
116. See police report of June 30, 1914, in Proletarskaia rcvoliutsiia, 1923, no. 2, p. 456.
117. Put' pravdy, no. 15, Feb. 18, 1914, p. 1; and letter from Samoilova to the Central Committee in “Deiatel’nost’ TsK,” p. 51. The Bolsheviks’ only consolation was that the Strike, which Samoilova acknowledged “came at a very inopportune moment,” also closed papers of the Mensheviks, the Socialist Revolutionaries, and the Black Hundreds—all of which were printed by the same press.
118. Lenin, PSS, 48: 294. Malinovsky had far less connection with Pravda than is often assumed. During the formative stages of the paper he was absorbed in the Duma election campaign in Moscow. After the January 1913 reshuffle of the editorial board he was indeed given some responsibilities in the business side of the paper’s operation, though it is unlikely that he served as its “treasurer” (Wolfe, Three Who Made a Revolution, pp. 478 and 548), and he certainly never was its publisher (Possony, Lenin, p. 131). During the summer of 1913 his attention was devoted solely to the new legal daily (Nash put') that the party was trying to establish in Moscow, and in September 1913 the Central Committee removed him from all participation in Pravda affairs. Lenin, V. I., Sochineniia, 3rd ed. (Moscow, 1929), 17: 736.Google Scholar
119. Lenin, PSS, 25: 631. It is ironic that the one defense of Malinovsky by Lenin that the newspaper did publish (“Konets klevete,” Rabochii, no. 4, May 25, 1914, p. 1) has been omitted from his Polnoe sobranie sochinenii.
120. See, for example, Schapiro, Leonard, The Communist Party of the Soviet Union (New York, 1960), pp. 125–40.Google Scholar
121. Lenin summarized these facts in his written report to the Brussels Conference. Lenin, PSS, 25: 371-77.
122. See, for example, letter of Apr. 10, 1914, from Potresov to Akselrod in Potresov, A. N. and Nikolaevsky, B. I., eds., Sotsial-demokraticheskoe dvizhenie v Rossii: Materialy, vol. 1 (Moscow, 1928), p. 270 Google Scholar; and letter of Sept. 15, 1913, from Martov to Potresov quoted in Haimson, Leopold, “The Problem of Social Stability in Urban Russia, 1905-1917,” Slavic Review, 23, no. 4 (December 1964): 632.Google Scholar
123. Lenin, PSS, 25: 234.
124. From information supplied by the factory inspectors it is evident that the Ukraine, for example, which employed about a fifth of the total Russian industrial labor force before the war, accounted for 27 percent of all Russian strikers in 1910, but only 14 percent in 1911, 9 percent in 1913, and 7 percent in the first half of 1914.
125. Lenin, PSS, 48: 322.
126. For an excellent description of these events in St. Petersburg, see Haimson, “Problem of Social Stability,” pp. 640-42.
127. Sukhanov, N., Zapiski o revoliutsii, vol. 2 (Berlin, 1922), p. 242.Google Scholar
128. Shliapnikov, A. G., Semnadtsatyi god, vol. 2 (Moscow, 1925), p. 180 Google Scholar; “Protokoly i rezoliutsii Biuro TsK RSDRP(b), mart 1917 g.,” Voprosy istorii KPSS, 1962, no. 3, p. 150.
129. Pravda, no. 9, Mar. 15, 1917, p. 2.
130. “Protokoly vserossiiskogo (martovskogo) soveshchaniia partiinykh rabotnikov,” Voprosy istorii KPSS, 1962, no. 6, p. 139.
131. For a textual comparison of Lenin’s original manuscript with the published Pravda version, see A. V. Snegov, “Neskol'ko stranits iz istorii partii, mart-nachalo aprelia 1917 g.,” Voprosy istorii KPSS, 1963, no. 2, pp. 22-24.
132. Quoted in Raskolnikov, F. F., “Priezd tov. Lenina v Rossiiu,” Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, 1923, no. 1, p. 221.Google Scholar
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