Earlier incarnations of this essay have been presented at the AAASS Conference, Toronto, 20 November 2003; as part of the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute lecture series, 1 December 2003; and at the Borderlands Seminar Series at the Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University, 11 February 2004. Many thanks to Olga Andriewsky, Omer Bartov, Keith Brown, Deborah Cohen, John Czaplicka, Tom Gleason, Lubomyr Hajda, Patricia Herlihy, Hugo Lane, Paul Magocsi, Tim Snyder, Frank Sysyn, Roman Szporluk, Heléna Toth, Larry Wolff, Mark von Hagen, the anonymous readers for the Slavic Review, and others for their comments.

1. Sahlins, Peter, Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees (Berkeley, 1989), 271 Google Scholar.

2. Readers of the Slavic Review have recently been offered an engaging discussion of the early years of this invented entity by Wolff, Larry, “Inventing Galicia: Messianic Josephinism and the Recasting of Partitioned Poland,” Slavic Review 63, no. 4 (Winter 2004): 818-40Google Scholar.

3. In the case of the Tatra Mountains, this term came into use already in the nineteenth century, famously popularized by Stanislaw Witkiewicz in Na przeteczy: Wrazenia i obrazy z Tatr (Warsaw, 1891). He wrote that Tytus Chałubiński was “the person who discovered the Tatras for us” (122). To date, I have not discovered any use of the term “discovery“ in regard to the Eastern Beskids during this period.

4. On the British travelers who began to explore the Carpathians (as the Alps were becoming more crowded and “civilized“) as of the 1860s, see the perceptive article by Ford, Lily, “Relocating an Idyll: How British Travel Writers Presented the Carpathians, 1862-1912,” Journeys: The International Journal of Travel and Travel Writing 2, no. 2 (2002): 50–78, quotation from 50Google Scholar.

5. In a book-length work, I am investigating the “discovery” of three different segments of the Carpathian mountains at different times in history (in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries): the Tatra Mountains, the Eastern Carpathians (of which this present article is a part), and the Bieszczad Mountains. The concept of “discovery,” thus, must be elastic; but I trust it is not so elastic as to be unhelpful.

6. While Habsburg Galicia has been claimed as the Piedmont of both the modern Polish and the modern Ukrainian nations, there were various interpretations of both identities vying with each other at this time. Only the identities associated with the Greek Catholic East Slavs had a choice of terms. I will use the term “Ruthenian,” as it best reflects the usage on the part of all parties at this time.

7. Per Article 19 of the Constitution of 1867.

8. See, for example, Volodymyr Shukhevych, Hutsul'shchyna (L'viv, 1899; repr., 1997 [page numbering apparently adjusted to accommodate the new introductory materials by Dmytro Batamaniuk and Petro Arsenych]), 21-24. This multivolume work was also published in Polish. Szuchiewicz, Włodzimierz, Huculszczyzna, 4 vols. (Lwów, 1902-1908)Google Scholar.

9. The only sign that the Delatyn salt mine, for example, had once been privately owned was seen in the Potocki coat of arms stamped on the packages of salt produced— a concession that noble family wrested from the government. Tarnowski, Stanislaw, “Z Kołomyi,” Mu/a 9, no. 144 (1880): 897 Google Scholar.

10. Hacquet, Balthasar, Neueste physikalisch-politische Reisen in den Jahren 1788-1795 durch die Dacischen und Sarmatischen oder Nördlichen Karpathen, I–PV (Nuremberg, 1790-1796)Google Scholar. A Polish translation of a section of this raritas pertaining to the Hutsul region (Chapter 9 of volume 3), with a note about the author, has been published in Gudowski, janusz, Olszański, Marek, Ruszczak, Andrzej, Tur-Marciszuk, Katarzyna, and Witkowski, Włodzimierz, eds., Datvne Pokuciei Huculszczyzna w opisach cudzoziemskich podróiników: Wybór tekstów z lat 1795-1939 (Warsaw, 2001), 10–22 Google Scholar; the original German can also be found in Kolberg, Oskar, Dzieta wszystkie, vol. 54, Ruś Karpacka, part 1 (Wrocław, 1970), 67–68, 108-10, 113-14, 136-37, 176-78, 186-87, 201-5Google Scholar. Hacquet, interestingly, referred to the Hutsuls only as “Ruthenian highlanders” (Gebirgrussen).

11. An early mention of this fact comes from the entomologist Aleksander Zawadzki. See Alex. Zawadzki, “Rzut oka na osobliwości, we względzie historyi naturalney, widzianej w pódrozy przedsięwziętey przez Karpaty stryyskiego i stanisławowskiego obwodu,” Rozmaitości, no. 21 (27 May 1825): 161-63.

12. Whole books have been devoted to the origins of the Hutsuls, with—as far as 1 can tell—no consensus in the academic community. Those interested in the problem might consult Magocsi's no longer current, but still useful bibliography: Magocsi, Paul Robert, Galicia: A Historical Survey and Bibliographic Guide (Toronto, 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13. This Hungarian word made its way into the vernacular through the intermediacy of Romanian. See, for example, Hrabec, S., Nazwy geograficzne Huculszczyzny (Kraków, 1950)Google Scholar, cited in Gudowski, janusz, Ukraińskie Beskidy Wschodnie (Warsaw, 1997) 1:19n*Google Scholar.

14. Gasiorowski, Henryk, “O przeszłości i teraźniejszości Burkutu,” Wierchy 10 (1932): 89–90 Google Scholar.

15. This was Kazimierz Władysław Wójcicki, cited in Zieliński, A., “Przedmowa,” in Zieliński, A., ed., Romantyczne weędrówki po Galicji (Wrocław, 1987), 8 Google Scholar; and again in Zbigniew Libera, “Etnograficzne wycieczki i zbieranie rzeczy ludowych w XIX wieku,” http://wwwjezyk-polski.pl/pts/Działy/pielgrzymki/libera.html (last consulted 1 March 2005); however, Libera misidentifies the intended destination as the “health resort Burkur in the Volhynian mountains.“

16. The threat of being attacked by highland bandits—the famed opryszki—had led the government to form militias (also comprised of Hutsuls) to protect visitors and catch the offenders. See, for example, Korzeniowski, Józef, “O Huculach,” in Józef Korzeniowski, Karpaccy górale, 3d rev. ed. (Wrocław, 1969), 106n9Google Scholar.

17. This state of affairs—with both accommodations and water gratis—is described with nostalgia by a Ruthenian who returned thirty years later to find water doled out for a fee and accommodations in a more commodious, if still not luxurious, inn. Denys [V. Il'nyts'kyi], “Z Karpat kolomyiskykh,” Zoria: Pys'mo literaturno-naukove dlia rus'kykh rodyn 1, no. 2-4 (15January-February 1880). Even those rudimentary buildings, however, were destroyed by imperial forces, determined to deny the rebellious Hungarians shelter here, in 1848.

18. Pol, cited in Gąsiorowski, “O przeszłości,” 91-94, quotation from 94.

19. Gudowski, , Ukraińskie Beskidy Wschodnie, 1:12 Google Scholar, mistakenly gives this date as 1884.

20. See note 3.

21. For a discussion of “domestic tourism” at more or less the same time in Russia, see Ely, Christopher, “The Origins of Russian Scenery: Volga River Tourism and Russian Landscape Aesthetics,” Slavic Review 62, no. 4 (Winter 2003): 666-82Google Scholar. One qualification: “domestic“ in the case of the Tatras obviously means Polish, as Polish lowlanders came from the three empires (although the Russian empire supplied a particularly notable group of individuals).

22. There is much more to this story than can be told here. Those interested in greater detail might consult any of a number of sources, among them Paryski, Witold H., “Początki Towarzystwa Tatrzańskiego i Zakopane,” Wierchy 47 (1978): 20–32 Google Scholar; or my own “Constructing a Polish Landscape: The Example of the Carpathian Frontier” (unpublished manuscript).

23. These were Varsovians like Chałubiński and their allies, who acted as a sort of Polish national lobby, intent on diluting the cosmopolitan and multinational nature of the organization. Founding members included Germans and Hungarians with large estates in the region; this necessitated that the early meetings of the governing board be conducted in German (although the minutes of those meetings were written in Polish).

24. The phrase used was wspieranieprzemysiu górskiego. This meaning of this phrase was eventually clarified for the reading public by Swierz, Leopold, “Zarys działalności Towarzystwa Tatrzańskiego w pierwszem jego dziesiecioleciu (od roku 1874 do r. 1883),“ Pamiętnik Towarzystwa Tatrzańskiego 10 (1885): 94 Google Scholar.

25. See note 22.

26. Already the very first issue of the organ of the Tatra Society—Pamiętnik Towarzystwa Tatrzańskiego—carried an article on the Hutsuls (the reason this subject initially came to my attention). It was written by Father Sofron Witwicki, who had been the resident Greek Catholic priest in the Hutsul village of Zabie in the 1850s and 1860s. Witwicki, X. Sofron, “Hucuły,” Pamiętnik Towarzystwa Tatrzańskiego 1 (1876): 73–86 Google Scholar.

27. See, for example, the list for the Czarnohora branch (Pamiętnik Towarzystwa Tatrzańskiego 8 [1883]: XXXVIII). “Local” nonetheless extended beyond the borders of Galicia, as the inclusion of several Poles residing in Czerniowce (Chernivtsi, Czernowitz), Bukovina, demonstrates.

28. Details on the trips can be gleaned from accounts of the first expeditions of both groups: Eminowicz, Marceli, “Sprawozdanie Zarzadu odDziałowego Towarzystwa Tatrzańskiego w Stanislawowie z wycieczki w Karpaty obwodu Stanislawowskiego i Kołomyjskiego odbytej r. 1876,“ Pamiętnik Towarzystwa Tatrzańskiego 2 (1877): 33–39 Google Scholar; and Turkawski, Marceli Antoni, Wspomnienia Czarnohory (Warsaw, 1880)Google Scholar.

29. See Turkawski, , Wspomnienia Czarnohory, 36 Google Scholar. Perhaps because of the complicated logistics, travelers in the Eastern Beskids tended to rely much more heavily on the local foresters and other non-Hutsuls dwelling in the vicinity, rather than on the highlanders themselves—something much more pronounced in the Tatra Mountains, where Górale guides were highly revered. Turkawski was rather critical of his Hutsul guides, who apparently took a wrong turn at some point; contrast this with Chałubiński's more carefree “excursions without a program.” Tytus Chałubiński, Sześć dni w Tatrach: Wycieczka bez programu (Kraków, 1988).

30. See, for example, Turkawski, Wspomnienia Czarnohory; Gregorowicz, Jan, “O koniu huculskim,” Pamiętnik Towarzystwa Tatrzańskiego 4 (1879): 88–90 Google Scholar, and “Slownik wyrazow huculskich,“ Pamiętnik Towarzystwa Tatrzańskiego 5 (1880): 26-35; and Wajgiel, Leopold, “O Burkucie ijeziorach czainohorskich,” Pamiętnik Towarzystwa Tatrzańskiego 5 (1880): 60–73 Google Scholar.

31. Turkawski, Per Marceli, “Wystawa etnograficzna Pokucia w Kołomyi,” Czas, no. 244 (23 October 1880)Google Scholar.

32. Daniel Unowsky has written extensively on the subject of the imperial tour of 1880, although he devotes little time to the Kołomyja events. Unowsky, Daniel Louis, “The Pomp and Politics of Patriotism: Imperial Celebrations in Habsburg Austria, 1848-1916“ (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2000)Google Scholar.

33. See, for example, Kawyn, Stefan, Józef Korzeniowski: Studia i szkice (Łódź, 1978), 38 Google Scholar.

34. For discussion of this transformation, as well as the overall plight of the Hutsul, see Anthony Amato, “In the Wild Mountains: Idiom, Economy, and Ideology among the Hutsuls, 1849 to 1939” (PhD diss., Indiana University, 1998). Regarding the deforestation, it is interesting that “Prussians” are often accused of being the perpetrators. See, for example, references to the “German” economy of Zakopane owner Magnus Peltz as well as the “Prussians'” wholesale destruction of huge swaths of forest cited by Turkawski, , Wspomnienia Czarnohory, 50 Google Scholar. Perhaps this was the Polish answer to German stereotypes oipolnische Wirtschaft, with the German version being antienvironmental….

35. Tarnowski, , “Z Kołomyi,” 903 Google Scholar.

36. He also had been named an honorary member of the Tatra Society in 1877. See “Kolberg, Oskar,” in Radwańska-Paryska, Zofia and Paryski, Witold Henryk, eds., Wielka Encyklopedia Tatrzanska (Poronin, 1995), 533-34Google Scholar.

37. Kolberg, , Dziela, 54:ix n. 2Google Scholar.

38. Further information on Dzieduszycki's contributions to the study of Hutsul ethnography can be gleaned from Tyrowicz, Marian, “Dzieduszycki, Włodzimierz,” Polski Słownik Biograficzny, 41 vols, to date (Wrocław, 1935-), 6:124-26Google Scholar.

39. American and English merchants took a great interest in the Hutsul material culture displayed in Paris, according to Tyrowicz. Ibid.

40. Turkawski, Marceli, “Wystawa etnograficzna Pokucia w Kołomyi,” Czas, no. 272 (26 November 1880)Google Scholar.

41. This is a subject to which I will return later.

42. Nowolecki, Aleksander, Pamiątka podróży cesarza Franciszka Józefa I. po Galicyi i dwudziesto-dniowegopobytuJego ui tym kraju (Kraków, 1881), 11 Google Scholar.

43. To be sure, as Unowsky argues, in some places they had come not only to see their beloved emperor but to voice their grievances, even preparing written documents for him.

44. This doubtless was the group for whom the district captain of Kosow had asked the provincial authorities for additional funding to transport them to Kołomyja. See Unowsky, “Pomp and Politics,” 120n2.

45. Tarnowski, , “Z Kołomyi,” 768 Google Scholar. (These citations have also been used, more recently, by Choroszy, Jan A., Huculszczyzna w literaturze polskiej [Wrocław, 1991], 300 Google Scholar.)

46. From an article by Teofil Merunowicz in Gazeta Narodowa, cited in Nowolecki, , Pamiątka, 200 Google Scholar.

47. Korzeniowski, , Karpaccy górale, 34 Google Scholar. The emperor was given a beautifully carved and inlaid Hutsul hatchet by the exhibition committee. “Podróż Najjaśniejszego Pana (Kołomyja, 15 września),” Czas, no. 214 (18 September 1880).

48. During the emperor's visit to his museum, Dzieduszycki boasted: “Everything that you deign to look at, Your Majesty, is either made in the crownland, or found in the crownland; our villager made all these pots, equipment, carpets.” Nowolecki, , Pamiątka, 182-83Google Scholar. The compulsive collector Dzieduszycki is deliriously described by Chłedowski as someone having an idea about “the stuffing of birds, the collecting ofpysanky [decorated eggs], and the making of Kołomyja pots,” while having no talent whatsoever for anything of a financial or administrative nature. Chłedowski, Kazimierz, Pamiętniki, 2 vols. (Wrocław, 1951), 1:265 Google Scholar.

49. Reported in numerous articles; see, for example, the piece by Merunowicz (Teofil Merunowicz, “Wystawa etnograficzna Czarnohorskiego OdDziału Towarzystwa Tatrzańskiego w Kołomyi. II Dział etnograficzny. Słówko o pp. inspektorach podatkowych, tkaniny, hafty, wyroby ozdobne,” Gazeta Narodowa [1880], no. 22), with the correction by Kolberg published in Kolberg, , Dzieta, 54:226, 228Google Scholar.

50. Kolberg, , Dzieta, 223 Google Scholar.

51. Tarnowski, “Z Kołomyi,” 838. Nineteenth-century exhibitions were very much “hands-on” events, with visitors allowed not only to touch but in some cases to measure and certainly to buy. (Ibid., 839, has a nice description of the bustle around these wares in Kołomyja.)

52. See Hermann Bausinger, Folk Culture in a World of Technology (Bloomington, 1990), chapter 5, for an important discussion of the commodification of folklore, also known as “folklorism.” In sum, it refers to the “transformation of folklore into a tradable commodity, turning the tradition of a group into a source of income. While financial rewards for diverse kinds of productions and performances are an acceptable, even desirable, form of exchange in traditional societies, the commodification of tradition occurs in the sale of objects and the display of artistic forms, not for their own sake and function, but because they are imbued with the idea of tradition, either regional, ethnic, or national. The production of such goods is geared to achieve maximal marketability, and hence it appeals to the stereotypical notions of tradition in a particular region or among a specific ethnic group. Its producers aim at representing regionality or ethnicity rather than a specific art form, conforming to images their consumers and spectators have acquired. The cornmodified tradition is part of the export market in the form of souvenirs for tourists or of performing delegations to other countries.” (This quotation comes from Dan Ben-Amos's foreword to the volume, p. vii.)

53. Turkawski, Marceli, “Wspomnienie Wystawy etnograficznej Pokucia w Kołomyi,“ Kłosy, 1881, no. 832:364-65, no. 833:379, no. 834:388-89Google Scholar; cited fragments from Kolberg, , Dzieła, 54:229 Google Scholar.

54. Of course, tourism leads to the “inevitability of the inauthentic,” according to Bausinger, Folk Culture, 137.

55. Turkawski, , “Wspomnienie Wystawy,” cited in Kolberg, Dzieła, 54:231-32Google Scholar.

56. “We are not at all afraid of awakening a desire for progress in the sensitive mind of the Hutsul, as we are certain that from that state will come the desired productivity in the creation of new combinations, on the native background,” according to Marceli Turkawski, “Wystawa etnograficzna Pokucia w Kołomyi,” (cont.) Czas, no. 254 (5 November 1880). Evidence of the problematic nature of this assertion comes from a young woman from Scotland visiting the region a decade later. She observed that while the Hutsul artisans were masters of their traditional craft, when they came into contact with new things—for example, new colors of wool provided to employees of a local textile factory— they by no means automatically came up with happy combinations. See Dowie, Norman Ménie Muriel, A Girl in the Karpathians, 5th ed. (London, 1892), 273 ffGoogle Scholar.

57. Tarnowski, , “Z Kołomyi,” 843 Google Scholar.

58. As expressed, for example, in Marceli Turkawski, “Wspomnienie Wystawy,” cited in Kolberg, , Dzieła, 54:231-32Google Scholar.

59. See, for example, Stanislaw Witkiewicz, “Styl zakopiański” (published in Witkiewicz, Stanislaw, Pisma tatrzańskie, vol. 2 [Kraków, 1963], 270–305 Google Scholar), who writes about this phenomenon on p. 279. A shorter version of this piece was originally published in Kurjer Warszawski, 1891, nos. 241 and 242-56, and its later, expanded version can also be found in the volume Sztuka i krytyka u nas (1884-1898) (Lwów, 1899).

60. The reference to a “forest of hundreds of oil rigs” comes from Badeni, J., “W huculskich górach,“ Przeglad Powszechny 10, no. 4 (1894): 11 Google Scholar, cited in Choroszy, Huculszczyzna, 101. The story of the Galician oil industry has been engagingly told by Frank, Alison Fleig, “Austrian El Dorado: A History of the Oil Industry in Galicia, 1853-1923” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 2001)Google Scholar.

61. Which the emperor examined, by the way; he also spent almost twice as much time in the capital of Galician oil industry, Boryslaw (Boryslav), as he had in Kołomyja.

62. This next section relies heavily on Paul Robert Magocsi's article “The Kachkovs'kyi Society and the National Revival in Nineteendi-Century East Galicia,” originally published in Harvard Ukrainian Studies 15, nos. 1-2 (1991): 48-87, cited here from his recent collection of essays, The Roots of Ukrainian Nationalism: Galicia as Ukraine's Piedmont (Toronto, 2002), 119-58.

63. From the report on the second general assembly, cited in ibid., 132.

64. Descriptions can be found, for instance, in Tarnowski, “Z Kołomyi,” 846-47, and Nowolecki, , Pamiątka, 203-4Google Scholar.

65. Merunowicz, “Wystawa etnograficzna,” cited in Kolberg, Dzieła, 54:223. This also explained why contributors on the whole insisted that their real names not be used to identify the provenance of the articles.

66. Stenograficzne sprawozdania z trzeciej sesyi czwartego peryodu Sejmu Krajowego Królestwa Galicyi i Lodomeryi wraz z Wielkiem Ksiestwem Krakówskiem w roku 1880, Posiedzienie 1-29, sessions of 17 July 1880, 723.

67. Ibid., 720-23. The criticisms against the Kachkovs'kyi Society were leveled by Messrs. Golejowski, Gross, and Polanowski. It should be added that the hostility towards the measure was such that the majority approved that the discussion be tabled (even before it began!), only to have the seasoned politician Dawid Abrahamowicz complain that he wished to make a clarification, which opened the doors for those who had also asked for the floor (ibid., 721).

68. Tarnowski, “Z Kołomyi,” 846. He also—wrongly—assumed that the Society was being funded by the deceased Kachkovs'kyi (when, according to Magocsi, it never received any funding from that source, although Naumovych certainly had hoped for that, but rather depended upon memberships).

Regarding Pan-Slavic—by which was meant pro-Russian—sentiments, such accusations were to come to a head in 1882, when Naumovych and others were put on trial. For this, see both Magocsi, “Kachkovs'kyi Society,” and Himka, John-Paul, Religion and Nationality in Western Ukraine: The Greek Catholic Church and the Ruthenian National Movement in Galicia, 1867-1900 (Montreal, 1999), esp. 57-64, 73–78 Google Scholar.

69. Tarnowski, , “Z Kołomyi,” 846 Google Scholar.

70. Other signs of this included the historic Turkish tent sheltering the Hutsul marriage parties and the remnants of old Commonwealth nobility—in the form of some (rare) Kołomyja burghers with noble patents as well as Ukrainian cossacks, also with noble patents, who had settled in the Horodenka district—on which, more below. Nowolecki, Pamiątka, 202-3.

71. That the region's Jews were overlooked suggests a deeper problem that deserves a paper in itself.

72. See, for example, the disappointment the unprepossessing peasant hut afforded the Polish activist Agaton Ciller, in David Crowley, “The Uses of Peasant Design in Austria-Hungary in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries,” Studies in the Decorative Arts (spring 1995): 2-28, 27n11.

73. Marceli Turkawski, “Wystawa etnograficzna Pokucia w Kołomyi” (cont.), Czas, no. 248 (28 October 1880). The nobility of such families, incidentally, had not been recognized by the Habsburgs.

74. This point is underscored, time and again, by Tarnowski, “Z Kołomyi.“

75. Nowolecki, , Pamiątka, 202-3Google Scholar.

76. This is noted in a number of accounts of the events, including Tarnowski and Turkawski. The Poles were very conscious of the approaching two-hundredth anniversary of the battle.

77. This term was used in Tarnowski, , “Z Kołomyi,” 768 Google Scholar, as well as in a number of other articles.

78. Turkawski, , “Wystawa etnograficzna,” Czas, no. 272 (26 November 1880)Google Scholar.

79. Nowolecki, , Pamiątka, 203 Google Scholar.

80. This chivalrous tradition was discussed in Witwicki, , “Hucuły,” 83–84 Google Scholar.

81. Tarnowski, , “Z Kołomyi,” 772 Google Scholar. That the mayor of Kołomyja reportedly gave part of his address to the emperor in Ruthenian (a fact noted in Nowolecki, Pamiątka, 200, and elsewhere) may likewise have been designed to have a positive influence on the highland folk present.

82. See the insightful article by Crowley, David, “Finding Poland in the Margins: The Case of the Zakopane Style,“ Journal of Design History 14, no. 2 (2001): 105-16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

83. Weber, Eugen, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870- 1914 (Stanford, 1976), 9 Google Scholar.

84. Choroszy, , Huculszczyzna, 108 Google Scholar.

85. Turkawski, , “Wystawa etnograficzna,” Czas, no. 275 (30 November 1880)Google Scholar.

86. Burkut itself was being developed energetically at this time by Mieczyslaw Lewicki, although its remoteness kept it from being one of the most popular destinations. See Lewicki, Stanislaw A., Orlowicz, Mieczyslaw, and Praschil, Tadeusz, Przewodnik po zdrojowiskach i miejscowosciach klimatycznych Galicyi (Lwów, 1912), 12, 61–65 Google Scholar. The relationship of this east Galician boom to the discovery of oil is best gleaned from Frank, “Austrian El Dorado.“

87. Lewicki, , Orlowicz, , and Praschil, , Przewodnik po zdrojowiskach, 61–65 Google Scholar.

88. Ibid., 114-17; Mieczysław Orłowicz, Ilustrowany przewodnik po Wschodnich Karpatach Galicyi, Bukowiny i Wegier (Lwów, 1914), 14-15. Other villages also put up guests in Hutsul houses, although apparently not on the same scale.

89. Indeed, the most famous resort of the period was run by Doctor Apolinary Tarnawski in Kosow, with clients of the fervent National Democrat coming from all over Galicia and the Polish lands beyond to subject themselves to a strict diet, water and wind baths, and daily calisthenics.

90. This was the lesson eventually learned by Crown Prince Rudolf, who four years after the Kołomyja exhibition initiated the twenty-four-volume ethnographic work, Die osterreichisch-ungarische Monarchic in Wort und Bild, which, it was hoped, would “foster collective patriotism.” On this, see Bendix, Regina, “Ethnology, Cultural Reification, and the Dynamics of Difference in the Kronprinzenwerk,” in Wingfield, Nancy, ed., Creating the Other: Ethnic Conflict and Nationalism in Habsburg Central Europe (New York, 2003), 149 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

91. Arsenych, Petro, Zasnovnyk “Sichi” Kyrylo Tryl'ovs'kyj (do 100-richchia stvorennia sportyvno-pozhezhnoho tovarystva “Sich” u s. Zavalli) (Ivano-Frankivs'k, 2000)Google Scholar.